Day: April 13, 2014

By Amar Yumnam

Korean television serials are very popular in a very robust way in Manipur. The strength and transformation of the South Korean economy were based on exports of manufactured goods. But now television serials as cultural goods are also a strong export item. This is what as should be in a context of expanding globalisation. The reduction in both space and time is the understandable impact of globalisation. This creates a convenient atmosphere for the trading of cultural goods like television serials. In other words, what we observe in the Korean case is absolute positive loop of globalisation processes. The country has experienced what Benedict Anderson calls the phenomenon of “long-distance nationalism” in which the identity of the people gets submerged with the global identity without in any way needing to forego the original local identity; the compression in space and time consequent upon the globalisation processes creates an opportunity to resolve the transitional identity crises in a much wider and inclusive way.

Compare this with the scenario prevailing in Manipur in so far as identity issues are concerned. We now experience rising inter-ethnic distances. The Indian approach to culture without any meaningful scope for compression of time and space in inter-ethnic interactions has only led to rising frequency of phenomena like unashamed indulgence in rape, the Kuki-Naga conflict, and the lock, stock and barrel political only articulations of inter-ethnic issues; the atmosphere for inter-ethnic relationships is just surcharged with negative voltages. Something like what Yuval-Davis describes as the price the price of multiculturalism has happened in its intense form in the North East and Manipur: “a basic problem with multiculturalism is the assumption that all members of a specific cultural collectivity are equally committed to that culture. It tends to construct the members of minority collectivities as basically homogeneous, speaking with a unified cultural voice. These cultural voices have to be as distinguishable as possible from the majority culture in order for them to be perceived as being “different”; thus the more traditional and distanced from the majority culture the voice of the “community representatives” is, the more “authentic” it will be seen to be within such a construction.” I must hasten here that I am not saying I despise multiculturalism as such. Multiculturalism, however, has to be followed only in accompaniment of social and economic policies for enhancing inter-ethnic interactions and facilitating evolution of cultures. In the absence of these social and economic policies, the capabilities of the individuals are neither created nor nurtured to flourish in a world of reducing time and space. In the Indian case, the approach to multiculturalism has been marked more by ridiculous appeasements for a few in a community and not by wide-based interventions. This has had the unwanted effect of compromising the capability of the community for the sake of a few closed to the powers that be; the powers that be are increasingly twin in Manipur and the North East as we move farther from the provincial capitals. This has further had two retarding effects. First, the state machineries have been conveniently allowed to be ineffectual. Second, the voices of the community and the individuals have been socially dampened and economically non-existent.

In a globalising world, the members of a developing society would also be increasingly globalised in space leading to its reduction. But they will not be necessarily going for compression of time in terms of culture. As evident from the Korean, the Japanese and the Chinese experiences during the last five decades or so, the original identity has also been experiencing spells of assertion from a globalised space and time. The original identity crisis of fear of losing it in a globalised context has now been transformed into a kind of strength in a world of reducing space and time. In the case of the other countries, this transformative experience has been more rather than less uniform across communities. This has not been the experience in the Indian case, and so also in the case of Manipur. The Indian policies since 1947 have been rather epitomes of exclusion and pretensions of cohesiveness. The same policies have been repeated at the provincial levels as well. This is how the issue of black money gets larger. This is also how the base of political support gets disunited among the Non Resident Indians. In the case of Manipur too, the Thabal Chongba being planned in Chicago by the Meeteis based in North America could also be allowed to transform into a cultural event for all the Manipuris.  

This is exactly where the critical crisis of Manipur lies. The South East and East Asian development experience has been one where the local history has transformed itself into a globalised history in which the transitional identity crises of communities are allowed to evolve with the changing times. In the case of Manipur, the policy approaches of both the provincial and the country-level governments have been marked by subversively and covertly enhancing segregation of identities rather than evolution. This has been most recently visible in connection with the policy-bluffs around the so-called Look East Policy. This is where we need to look for a new personality and new commitment in the forthcoming parliamentary elections as getting unfolded in Manipur.   

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2014/04/social-crises-in-manipur-the-contrast-with-international-development-experiences/

( Part-1)

By Dr. Khomdon Lisam

We, Manipuris tend to celebrate election as a festival without much thinking about the consequences. At the time of election campaign ,  anybody can go to the candidate and ask for money or chak chanaba or shumang Lila or  even for drinking wine or  Heroin  drugs (No-4)  and that too in the name of democracy. The politicians also distribute money through their agents to win the election. Rampant corruption and bribery starts from the time of election. At the time of election, we tend to forget  core issues of Manipur  like Corruption, AFSPA-1958, Inner Line Permit, unemployment, electricity , water supply, economic blockade, rape and human rights violations, dharnas,  bandhs, strikes, petrol queue, rising price of petrol, LPG and many other core issues. During economic blockade, we have experienced many suffering and hardships – Rice selling at Rs.150-200 a kilogram, a liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG) refill at Rs.2,000, petrol at Rs.200 a litre, and diesel at Rs.150 a litre. At the time of election, we tend to forget  our long suffering and surrender  our right  to vote  to  Congress for a paltry sum of  Rs. 1000.

Our  right to vote has been sold at Rs. 1000 to a particular candidate for five years  or Rs. 0.54 per day. The result is that we end up electing contractors, drug traffickers , criminals and former militants as MLAs.  Ved Marwah, former governor of Manipur told TIME. “There is no democracy” in Manipur, he said “but rather the trappings of democracy and a combination of tribal society, various insurgent groups and total corruption.”

At the time of election, we tend to forget

(1) Irom Sharmila Chanu who  has been fasting since 2nd November, 2000 demanding for repeal of AFSPA-1958 .

(2) 5665 persons were killed in Manipur because of AFSPA during 1992-2010

(3) June 18, 2001 episode during BJP rule where the Manipur State Assembly building and many office buildings were burnt down and 18 people sacrificed their lives for protecting the territorial integrity of Manipur

(4) Heirangoithong massacre of 14 March 1984, at the Heirangoithong Volley ball Ground following indiscriminate firing by the CRPF personnel stationed nearby resulting in the death of 110  persons and injuring thirty-one  

(5) Malom Massacre of 2 November,  2000 – the arbitrary killing of eleven persons including women and one child, who had just received a national Bravery Award from the President of India.

(6) The massacre at Tabanglong in western Tamenglong District on 28 December 2000 resulted in the death of eight  villagers when they were attacked by soldiers belonging to the 15th Jat Regiment of the Indian army  

(7) Oinam Massacre (Operation Blue Bird) : July 10, 1987 where  Fourteen civilians were shot dead and several others died of hunger, starvation and torture in the concentration camps:

(8)  RMC – Massacre of  7 January, 1995 – execution of nine civilians by the CRPF in Imphal City  within the campus of the Regional Medical College (RMC) now renamed the Regional Institute of Medical Sciences (RIMS)

(9) Pebam Chittaranjan’s self immolation  on 16 August 2004 for removing AFSPA.

(10) Thangjam Manorama was raped  and then killed by the Assam Rifles on 11 July 2004

(11) Nude protest by 40 women in front of Assam Rifles on 15 July, 2004

(12) killing of Chungkham Sanjit and Thokchom Rabina in the open market at broad day light on 23 July, 2009.

(13) Fake encounter of Andro on November 1st 2009 where, 7 youths has been gunned down by 28th Assam Rifles troops in suspicion of militants (The Hueiyen New Service- 31st January 2011).

(14) Oinam Leikai Massacre on November 21, 1980,

(15) Tera Bazar Massacre: March 25, 1993: Five civilians were killed and many others received bullet injuries due to indiscriminate firing by CRPF. However, no enquiry has been instituted to date.

(16) Ukhrul Massacres on May 9, 1995,

(17) Bashikhong massacre on February 19, 1995,

(18) Churachandpur Massacres on July 21, 1999,

(19)Nungleiban Massacre on October 15, 1997,

(20) Tabokpikhong Massacres on August 12, 1997,

(21) Tonsen lamkhai Massacres on September 3, 2000 . Will  the sacrifices of our martyrs go in vain.  The Manipur Government has not made a  single judicial enquiry report public. That is why people have lost faith in such judicial  enquiry . Retired Sessions Judge C. Upendra said that he had headed twelve such enquiries himself, and found in all cases the  encounters were fake, though none of his reports was made public.

Every political party except Congress, BJP and CPI  is demanding repeal of AFSPA-1958 at this time of election. The national level election manifesto has not mentioned any word on AFSPA . The Congress, BJP and CPI have clearly indicated that they will not do it unless situation improves.  

Shall we ask a counter question to elicit response from the people -why should the AFSPA be removed from Manipur (1) Why should we vote for Congress, BJP and CPI if they are determined not to remove AFSPA from Manipur . (2) why should we continue worshipping our  Ministers and MLAs who are against the removal of AFSPA. (3) why should  we consider it  a status symbol to invite high ranking Military and police officers to our functions (4) when we are encouraging, welcoming and celebrating defection of opposition parties to the ruling party. Is it not  a shameless action to jump from one political party to another ?  They should apologise to the people who voted for them. (5) why don’t  we have the courage to boycott the Ministers and MLAs who are living under the shadow of ASPA. (6) why should we accept  small gifts  from Assam Rifles and Indian Army in the form of solar lamps or Water filters, generators etc.  (7) why can’t we be united and create a people’s mass movement against AFSPA . I heard Law and Order is in the State list but AFSPA is in the concurrent list –that means it can be revoked either by the State Government or by the Central Government. That is why our Chief Minister has revoked AFSPA from seven constituencies of Imphal. The Union Home Ministry, the defence Ministry are strongly against removal of AFSPA from Manipur. Therefore  Our Hon’ble Chief Minister may be thinking  that AFSPA can be removed only by the Central Government. The Hon’ble Chief Minister may ask the Prime Minister and the Union Home Minister why AFSPA is not imposed on Maoist affected states like West Bengal, Bihar , Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, Jharkand, Chattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala, Uttaranchal, Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra. The Indian government has declared that “out of 630 districts in India,  220 districts are Maoist affected areas. The Naxalite Maoist insurgency gained media attention internationally after the 2013 Naxal attack in Darbha valley, which resulted in the deaths of around 24 Indian National Congress leaders, including the former state minister Mahendra Karma and the Chhattisgarh Congress Chief Nand Kumar Patel. This completely shook the political system of India. On October 31, the New York Times wrote, “India’s Maoist rebels are now present in 20 states and have evolved into a potent insurgency. In the last four years, the Maoists have killed more than 900 Indian security officers…violence erupts almost daily.”

The Ministry of Home Affairs has deployed around 110,000 military and para-military troops to eliminate the Maoist . The Ministry of Home Affairs say that the amount extorted by Maoists is around Rs.1400 Crore annually. Jharkhand has emerged as the largest supplier to the Naxal kitty by contributing around Rs.300 crores per year. : The Indian Prime Minister said “ India is losing the battle against Maoist rebels…violence is increasing” and “Maoists have growing appeal among a large section of Indian society including tribal communities, the rural poor and the intelligentsia.” Prime Minister Manmohan Singh recently described the Maoist movement as “the biggest internal security threat” confronting India. On Feb 2, 2010, Mr.  Chidambaram, the then Union Home Minister said the situation in Maoist-affected states continues to be “a cause of grave concern”.  Our Hon’ble Chief Minister may ask to the national political leaders  “ If that is so, why not the Government of India , imposed AFSPA in all the Maoist -affected states. Why this racial discrimination even in the case of AFSPA. Do the Government of India think  that the people of North East are expandable. If that is so , then  why not our respected Chief Minister sit in the Dharna demanding from the central government  with 10,000 followers : (1) lifting of AFSPA from all districts of Manipur, (2) Inner Line Permit System, (3) Special drive for employment f Manipuris, (4) establishment of an Upper House  State  Legislative Council) with a minimum of 40 members  with provision for 10 nominated members, (5)  increase of Lok Sabha Constituencies from 2 to 6 ( Anglo Indian Community with a population of  two lakhs was given two seats) , (6) increase of Rajya Sabha seats from 1 to 7 reflecting equal  representation of states as done in USA  and other countries, (7) amendment of  Article 371C of Indian Constitution, (8) protection of boundaries of Manipur etc. Arvind Kejriwal, Chief Minister of Delhi  was the only Chief Minister in India who sat in dharna during the last 64 years demanding justice from the Central Government. The example of Arvind Kejriwal has been followed by other Chief Ministers. The Indian Constitution which our politicians consider as Gita or Bible  or  Quran can be amended to look after the interest of Manipuris. We have never exercised this right  for the last 64 years because of lack of political maturity  and clear cut vision of our political masters.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2014/04/wake-up-call-to-all-voters-of-manipur/