Category: KanglaOnline

The banner signboards at the entrances of the Kangla announcing the name “Kangla” to onlookers and visitors are too cheap, if not ridiculous: as if anybody would mistake the citadel of the erstwhile kingdom of Manipur for anything else. Today no doubt it is an archival complex with immense historical and cultural significance and no longer a living monument where daily businesses of governance of war and peace are conducted, but this does not mean it must be robbed of its dignity. Leaders of the state as well as bureaucrats would have seen how things are done in historical sites all over the country and the world. None of them do it the way it is done at the Kangla. Imagine the Taj Mahal, Qutabh Minar, Red Fort, Humayan Tomb etc with similar signboard across their gate, as if these were some popular circus grounds. Normally a granite plaque with a brief history of the monument is erected in a neat and well kempt corner of the entrance areas so that visitors can read and get the basic information of what they are about to witness or are witnessing. We wonder how the difference in the aura and dignity in the manner these other monuments are announced to visitors and the way it is done to the Kangla is not noticed by our leaders, especially those in charge of the upkeep of the complex. It is not too late yet, let the government remove those ugly banners and do it the way the rest of the civilised world do it at the soonest.

We also wonder whatever has happened to the drive for restoring the Kangla. The government has been going about on a demolition spree everywhere in the city, but is still not able shift (after suitable compensation of course), a few families living inside the complex, who were once the temple keepers while the Assam Rifles was occupying the complex. It may be recalled troops moved out and the Kangla handed over the people by the Prime Minsiter, Manmohan Singh in 2004 following widespread street agitation against the Assam Rifles in the wake of the alleged rape and custodial murder of a young woman, Thangjam Manorama. It may also be recalled that much earlier the Kangla came to be garrisoned after the British defeated and took over the Manipur kingdom in 1891, and much of the symbols of the state, in particular the two Kangla Sha the mythical beasts which have since become the state emblem, at the entrance of the Darbar Hall were destroyed. After the British left, the troops stayed on. The two Kangla Sha have been restored since along with some other historical structures within the complex. It must however be said the restoration work, while commendable at places, at others are at best kitschy. For evidence, take a look at the gate of the Dubar Hall. It looks like one of those hastily made entrances to some cheap stalls at circuses and fairs which visit the state occasionally.

As suggested for the gateways, we wonder why the government has not thought of erecting granite plaques with histories and descriptions at each of the many interesting sites within the complex. The two restored Kangla Shas will be a prime candidate for this. The Durbar Hall, the Manung Kangjeibung which is possibly the oldest polo-ground in the world, and where modern polo took birth, the ruins of the Govindaji temples, as well as the newly constructed indigenous Sanamahi temple etc are some of these. On the northern side of the complex are also another set of very interesting monuments and sites. Some of the cottages sitting aside sprawling lawns lined with flower beds are of profound historical significance too. The cottage where Field Marshall Sir William Slim lived and planned his “Defeat into Victory” strategies against the advancing Japanese Imperial Army in alliance with the Indian National Army, INA, of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, being the most significant. Why cannot similar granite plaques with explanatory notes be erected at these sites as well? Today, for the uninitiated, touring the Kangla complex is like scanning an album of interesting photographs but without photo captions. Visitors often are left bewildered at trying to identify the monuments, even the modern classic the Slim Cottage, for adjacent to it are other similar cottages. The Kangla undoubtedly will be a major attraction for tourist once Manipur becomes a tourist spot as so many wish for today. If the law and order situation improves, we see no reason why it cannot be buzzing with tourists of all kinds too. Kathmandu is advertised as a valley in which adventure tourists can head in any direction and find a good trek. We see why Imphal valley, surrounded by hills all around cannot acquire the same unique selling point, or as this proposition is better known, the USP.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/08/kangla-usp/

This is getting uncouth. Manipur is under a siege yet again because its lifelines have been blocked off first by agitators demanding the Sadar Hills sub-division of the Senapati district be upgraded to a full-fledged district, and now by United Naga Council, UNC, and its supporters amongst the Naga population in the state to oppose the demand. Quite unfortunately, the UNC is even insinuating that the demand for Sadar Hills district is part of a sinister divide and rule policy by the Government of Manipur. Although this was unsaid in so many words, the implication was also that all this is a result of machination by the dominant community and dwellers of the valley districts, the Meitei community. This is above of all, truly ridiculous. At this rate, it will not be long before the valley is blamed for poor monsoon or bad harvest as well. Rhetoric aside, let the government take this development seriously and come out with a comprehensive white paper on investment and government employment patterns in the state to see the nature of discrepancies and then to fix responsibilities as to who contributed or were the agents in bringing about this mess. As for activists and others keen to see dark and sinister motives in everything that happens in Manipur, it is advised they also sometime make use of the provisions of the RTI to get hold of actual government documents to see what kind of developmental funds have been earmarked for the different regions of the state and who were given the responsibility for their use before jumping the gun and pointing fingers.

The legacy introduced by the colonial administration of the British vintage still lives on. In particular the practice of administrative and political demarcation of the hills of the Northeast into “excluded” and “partially excluded” territories may have had their use in a colonial set up and perhaps even now, but they are also creating problems. Under this system, the plains generally were administered by general colonial laws but the other two types of territories were placed under special law that for one made these territories reserved for the tribals living in them and visits by outsiders to these area allowed under special permits alone. This system also excluded tribal areas partially or totally from the political and administrative processes under the broad policy philosophy of leaving them alone as long as they do not harangue British subjects or British administered areas. While laws of varying strength reserving tribal territories may be still desirable in order to protect the interest of the tribals, what cannot be forgotten is this would also have negative implications. While tribals coming under generally administrative region would not cause any constitutional problems, non-tribals coming under special administrative regions for tribal can cause serious ones. The case of Jiribam has been raised by so many, saying this small patch of plain area inhabited dominantly by non tribals should be merged to either Tamenglong or Churachandpur which are adjacent to it, just as Moreh is a part of the Chandel district. Moreh so far is not a problem because its population are by and large traders with little or no interest in politics, but the moment any non-tribal resident here begins to nurture political ambition and starts asking for the right to contest in elections from the Tengnoupal Assembly constituency or the Outer Manipur Parliamentary constituency, serious problems would arise, social as well as constitutional. If denied, it would amount to a breach of what arguably is the most major democratic right guaranteed by India’s republican constitution or for that matter any republican constitution – the right to franchise. Jiribam under either of the two tribal districts would pose the same problem.

Sadar Hills, under the circumstance should not have had any problem, at least constitutionally and administratively. It would have been two reserved districts made out of one reserved district. The problem here therefore is more ethnic as everybody is witness now, and little or nothing to do with any consideration of administration. The diagnosis being such, perhaps it would do well for the government to address it as such too. But as of now, the government seems to be, as has become its wont, simply waiting and watching for the storm to pass without thinking of lifting a finger to face the developing crisis. If things continue the way they are, and prices of essential commodities continue to climb towards the sky, the situation could get volatile and tempers of those at the receiving end may reach a flashpoint. Presuming nothing improves, who knows, the closing act of the Okram Ibobi government may be a transition to the emergency constitutional provision of President’s Rule to avoid a humanitarian crisis.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/08/a-tale-of-two-districts/