Tag: Articles-Opinions

By Oken Jeet Sandham

It is not out of nowhere, but it is God`™s plan that I landed in a village called Rongphar. It is one of the Amri Karbi tribe`™s villages in the Amri Karbi areas of Assam. The village is some 40 kilometers away from Guwahati and some 4 kilometers away from the National Highway 37.

I along with my colleague Takoba Teron reached the village on October 21, 2012. I was invited to present a paper in a `Seminar` on the theme `Awareness of Political Consciousness of Amri Karbi Tribes and Their Chartered Demands` on October 22 and 23, 2012 at Rongphar Community Hall. It was organized by Amri Karbi National Council (AKNC) which has been spearheading for the `Autonomous District Council` under Sixth Schedule for a separate Amri Karbis in Assam. Over the last decades, the leaders of the AKNC have been meeting various Central leaders including former Prime Ministers late Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi. They have also submitted various memoranda to previous Dr Manmohan Singh Government and also the present Narendra Modi Government at the Center.

The day we reached the Rongphar village was Sunday and did not know where we would be staying. But, so lucky that our accommodation was arranged in the Church Guest House. In fact, we were received by Pastor of the Rongphar Baptist Church, Pichong Ronghang when we reached in the village. Our team was first received by President of the AKNC, Mr Pudum Ingti, when we arrived at Sonapur, and from there, he led us to Rongphar village where I would be addressing the `Seminar.`

After having exchanged some pleasantries, the Pastor invited me to speak in the Church the same evening as that day was Sunday. I was really happy on being invited to speak in this Church, though not showing immediate response to him feeling a bit of reservation thinking it wouldn`™t be fair as I reached in the village for the first time in my life, and not knowing anything of its background rather.

My sharing in this Church was one of the most memorable ones in my life but the most important one, which I would like to tell here, is the way the Christianity started coming in this village and also other villages in the Armi Karbi areas. I didn`™t have much to share except my happiness of coming to this beautiful village. Although the attendance was thin, every moment was historic for me as it was the first time for me attending Karbi Church Service in my life. The news of sharing my feeling in the Church spread like a wildfire in the village and many complained the next morning saying that they would have attended the last evening`™s Church Service if they knew that I would be speaking in the Church. I really felt humbled by such responses from the villagers in this village.

It is heartening to note that the Christianity has been planted in this village and other Amri Karbi areas by the Ao Church leaders under the Merangkong Godhula Mission (MGM) of Mokokchung, Nagaland.

Rongphar village is inhabited by mostly Amri Karbi tribes. This village lies at the foothills and the people were mostly non-Christians but after the Christianity came in 32 years ago, majority of them are today Christians. The village has two denominations `“ Baptist and Catholic.

The Rongphar Baptist Church (RBC) was first set up under the sponsorship of MGM in 1983. Those first converts are still active in Church activities in the village and also in other neighboring villages. The initial thatched Church with few negligible members has today become a symbol and prestige for the Christian community in the village. Today they have a huge RCC Church boasting of having a good number of members from the village.

Many Ao missionaries from Nagaland`™s Mokokchung district have been actively engaged in promoting and developing Christianity in this village and other Amri Karbi villages. Yet, they still need supports for running and maintaining the Church administration and other activities. Prominent Ao Church leaders and high profile officials have been extending financial and material supports to the Churches, which have been established under MGM, from time to time. One of the known families not only among the Aos but also Nagas in Nagaland, late NI Jamir`™s family had their share for the growth of the Church activities in the Rongphar village. The name of late NI Jamir, father of former Nagaland Chief Secretary Alemtemshi Jamir and grandfather of present NPF MLA Marentoshi Jamir, has been written and displayed in the Church.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/10/the-aos-in-church-movement-in-amri-karbi-areas/

By Garga Chatterjee

Mumbai and Delhi are the sanctum sanctorum of the Indian Union`™s anglicized, privileged cool set. Apparently, these two urban areas represent that highest form of the cosmopolitan ethos with a `desi`™ touch. That ethos also is a stand in for a celebratory form of atomized individualism (whose boring moments are `artistically`™ expressed as urban ennui) and is characterized by a near-complete alienation from the street and the social life of real people (for example, people who know the name and address of their local councilor). These are precisely the kind of cities where `illegal`™ settlements of the urban poor can be removed and political processions are reduced to a `traffic problem`™. Hence, it is not surprising that beef-ban unites these two cities in their apartheid-based cosmopolitanism and that a general meat-ban can be promulgated in Mumbai and Gurgaon. The powerful classes of such cities have always made separate private provisions for themselves and hence only rarely anything public impinges of their lives. Thankfully, most urban areas of the subcontinent are not so completely dominated by such classes.

Mumbai`™s municipal corporation had promulgated a 4-day ban on the sale of all kinds of meat and working of its slaughter-houses to respect the perceived heightened religious sensitivity of the Jains during their festival of Paryushan. Strong protests from Marathi-dominated organizations like the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) and the Shiv Sena has resulted in the shortening of the ban period to 2 days. However, a 2 day meat-ban around Paryushan has been around from 1964, when the wealthy Jain business class pressured the then Mumbai municipal corporation to pass a resolution to this effect. While the wealthy business class of Mumbai has always arm-twisted the municipal corporation to serve its special interests, the 1964 resolution represents the power of a powerful group with a powerful group. It is not surprising that many of the Hindu business tycoons of Mumbai in 1962 were also vegetarians and that is still true to a significant extent. Thankfully, I don`™t live in the jurisdiction of the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation but that of the Kolkata Municipal Corporation where chickens, goats and cows can be slaughtered all the time and sold throughout the city. Now that several other BJP-ruled states have also come up with meat-bans to respond to their political backers, this advancing front of animal slaughter ban and meat-selling ban to worrisome to me and my faith.

I come from a clan of Shaktos (devotees of the Mother goddess or Shakti) and we are strongly into the worshiping Ma Durga and Ma Kali. It is my fortune that I live in the locality of Chetla, in Kolkata. My home is just across the nearly-dead Adi Ganga (the original flow of the Ganga) river from the powerful divine seat of Ma Kali called Kalighat. It is one of the most important sites of our Shakto universe. Here, from time immemorial, our people have been offering animals as sacrifice to our divine mother. We consider this meat as Ma Kali`™s prasad. For those who can`™t afford to sacrifice a whole goat, meat of animals that have been offered to the goddess are sold from small outlets near the temple. When parts of Ma Sati`™s dead body fell on earth, each of those sites became a Shakti-peeth `” a space of divine significance. Of the 51 Shakti-peeths on earth, Bengal is blessed with 16, of which East Bengal has 5. Some are in Assam and some in Nepal. At almost of sites that are holy for us, animal sacrifices are almost a daily affair. It is a part and parcel of our faith. When we do an animal sacrifice, we are not perturbing other religious communities. By pushing a certain Hindustan region consensus of certain communities on the question of meat, people like us are being reduced to second grade Hindus in the `pan-Indian`™ set of things. This is also why our religion and its practises need to be protected from this brand of nationalist politics, that privileges certain religious practises over others.

In a few days, I`™ll go from my city home in Kolkata to my desh or clan-abode in Patuligram village of West Bengal`™s Hooghly district. Our clan has been Bengali shakto by faith for as long as we can remember. Ma Durga, the mother goddess, will come alive in Patuligram as `Moter Ma`™ `” the name by which she is known there. Every year on Bijoya Dashami, Ma Durga is immersed. Many traditional Durga pujas or religious rites in Shakto families or out-of-turn personal offerings to the goddess hve animal sacrifice as an integral part. Does one not have the right to observe Shakto religious rites during the time of Paryushan of the Jains if one happens to live on of these slaughter-ban zones? When certain religious types give patronizing sermons on vegetarianism, are our religious sensitivities not hurt? Why`™s that okay? Is it because in the birat Hindu conception of highbrow religious practise, our practises are second-class? When we are judged on the basis of other people`™s attitude`™s towards meat and their religious sensitivity, are we to understand that our faith is something that perturbs the religious sensitivity of others? We must remember that all attitude is reciprocal. Tanmay Mukherjee, a friend and an astute chronicler of contemporary West Bengali urban culture says, `What`s true for you, may be Vegetarian for me.`

I remember a time, not so long ago, when my very Bengali Brahmin family would travel outside Bengal. The visits would include religious places. Their attitude towards these places was clear `” these were divine all right, but it was clearly understood within the family that these places were not `ours`™. `Our`™ gods lay elsewhere. Among the creepers and water bodies of a small village in the Hooghly district of Bengal, a particular mother goddess was omnipresent in the vocabulary of our family. There was a snake goddess who sat on a precarious perch near our Kolkata home, in a makeshift `temple`™ between a bridge and a river. There is the lump-shaped Dharma Thakur, again of our village, who has steadfastly refused brahminic mediation to this day. My family has come to live intimately with their moods and powers, their vehemence and their limits. They are `our`™ gods.

Who are these first citizens of the Indian Union whose sensitivities take precedence over the practices of others? This Savarna-Jain halalization of the public sphere is a creeping danger because they now seem to exert political influence far beyond their numbers. What are the sources of their strength by which they are able to force multiply and what does that tell us about the ideological currents at play in the Indian Union`™s deep state? In `unity in diversity`™ land, some diversities are necessarily silenced or are labeled `superstitious`™. The list of the silenced and the superstitious is predictable. Not all diversities have been domesticated enough to be featured at the Mumbai airport or NOIDA`™s Great India Place for yuppie Indian consumption. Some diversities retain elements that bite back when trampled upon. They go much beyond DilliHaat-type of showcase diversities.

The no meat-ban regions have to realize the long-range political aim of the Hindi-Hindu-Hindustani multi-headed hydra of homogeneity. It has many faces `” some are about beef ban, some are about cosmo-liberal `idea of India` and so forth. New Delhi sarkar`™s Air India serves eggless cake and onion-less paneer puffs to general passengers like me on a flight to Srinagar from Delhi. Kashmir is home to a largely meat-eating non-Muslim culture. What`™s the message here? Who`™s being served by what is being served here? Even in Kolkata, I recently visited a private hospital, part of a chain owned by a vegetarian Krishna-worshipping business family. In that health-care facility, no eggs or meat or fish is allowed even if they are usually medically and nutritionally indicated in other places, like public hospitals. And even if they are medically indicated, nutritionists working there never prescribe anything non-vegetarian. Does religious sensitivity also allow one to molest the lifestyle, health and food-choice of one`™s customers? What is the nature of this emergent politics that empowers a business group to enforce its religious beliefs in health-care facilities and deny fish to a convalescing Bengali in Bengal? Who are these bosses?

A new nation-state is evolving; a new consensus is being beaten out of the badlands of the subcontinent. Our gods and goddesses are not unaffected in this scheme of things. In this new religious world view, older `superstitions`™ are avoided and even condemned, with a mishmash of scriptures and lifestyle demands of modern urban society forming the bedrock of `eternal values`™. These stances have wide currency among the rootless urban folk who may be religious or irreligious, but are Siamese twins when it comes to being self-servingly contemptuous of the rustic and the fantastic. This is the religion where certain gods have stolen a march on many other gods, creating a poor and sad `national`™ pantheon of sorts `” dreams of a `unified Hinduism`™ finally bearing some fruit. From Boston to Bombay, through idioms created and perpetuated by mass media, a community is being created whose religious pantheon is dictated by that pathetic yearning for uniformity that only a nation-state can display. This is where portable religion, meat-ban and `Hindi nahi aata?`™ come together as symptoms of the same disease. I thank Ma Kali that my municipal ward in Kolkata is not under the sway of forces of Hindi-Hindu-Hindustan and I believe that my benevolent and powerful divine mother will keep it that way. We Shaktos aren`™t worshipper of man-made gods nor of dead gods. Our goddesses are alive and are on guard. They`™ve always been.

One final question from a resident of an area that hasn`™t a major communal riot for a some time – when many followers of a uber `ahimsa`™ religion supports and funds organizations that saves cows but kills human beings of other faiths, do the religious sentiments of those vegetarians get hurt?

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/10/for-worshippers-of-durga-and-kali-meat-is-sacred-temple-food/

By: Wahengbam Rorrkychand

Students`™ leader Pebam Chitaranjan is a martyr, Irom Sharmila Chanu is a living legend and now Sapam Robinhood is Lamjing Meira. Issues exist for each society, but do we really need the people to sacrifice their lives to bring a solution for every issue? Can`™t we think of saving a life instead of taking one?

In Manipur we witness atleast one hero for almost every major issue. Be it the Hunger Marchers Day of 1965, June 18 uprising of 2001, AFSPA, Inner Line Permit System movement and the ongoing anti-ILPS Bill movement in hill areas- someone`™s life has to be sacrificed. The issue seems to gather momentum only when one gives up his or her life. The government too has acquired the dubious reputation of lending its ears only when the mass outburst their extreme anger. Here comes the anthropogenic of bandh, general strike, arson, road blockade and violence associated protest demonstrations in Manipur.

In a year we have 365 days, but looks like having around 1000 bandh and general strikes? To us, bandh and general strike remain as the only/convenient means to register a protest and give an impression to the government. Equally or even more than Manipur, crimes like murder, rape, kidnapping are happening in each and every states of India. But out there, bandh, general strikes are ever so rarely called for such incidents. General strikes are called more often by armed outfits, civil society organizations, JAC (Joint Action Committees) and local bodies in protest against government, department and even individuals. But have we thought about the pros and cons of such deeds?

The economic loss, mental depression and anguish, inconveniences face by the people, slowing down of development due to bandh and vandalism during the purview of general strike is irreparable. No one needs explanation. Thanks to myriad issues and prolific soils that help in breeding organizations/associations/ JACs in Manipur; today the state has multiple bodies- for students, women, children, human rights, cultural, sports, employed, unemployed and all other possible sections and communities of the society. Unluckily not a single organization has come up openly against the `Bandh culture` till date.

If not counted empirically, it is sure that the social unrest and regular bandh and general strike have hugely damaged our poor economy.

JAC CULTURE

The phenomenon of JAC is a unique practice in Manipur which is unhealthy as it is time and energy wasting indulging in mobocracy and more violence.

The JAC does exist in other states in India but why it`™s so prevalent, always sprouting up and popular in Manipur?

During discussion with various stakeholders, it has been reportedly said that there is a unique practice of every rape, murder, accident cases being negotiated by so called JACs at the office chamber of the Chief Minister. And there had also been allegations of some JACs having financial irregularities in managing funds raised for the cause they are fighting for.

JAC often assume the role of police and judge by pronouncing judgment in Kangaroo Courts and has been found often to severely assault the alleged culprit and burn down houses and properties even before being proven guilty.

REASONS FOR BANDH TENDENCIES

By virtue of the prevailing law and order situation, the mutual trust between the state and people has been eroded, and crept into the blood and bones of the mass. The dearth of believing another is even reflected in our everyday life. Due to this deficiency, the populace thinks that they will not receive justice of the demand if they didn`™t resort to bandh, general strike or some striking violent actions.

POSSIBLE TRUST BUILDING MEASURES

The government needs to put appropriate policies to deal with murder, rape, victims of bomb blast, kidnapping, arson etc. because chances of forming JAC, imposing bandh, general strike, and staging protest demonstrations is high if the affected people are not aware about the existence of provisions to address their problems.

In various states, there is clearly written policies which states how much compensation is entitled to victims of rape, accident, terrorist activities, mass movement etc. If the state (Manipur) has such written policies, guidelines and regulations, it should be announced publicly and make the people familiar with them so that they seek judgment and compensation through proper channels instead of blaming the system and resorting to aggressive/ undemocratic means of protest demonstration just to draw the attention of the Government.

At the same time the government and concern departments need to address issues as soon as possible in order to prevent untoward incidents.

Framing clear policies and guidelines on how to deal with recurring volatile situation and repeatedly highlighting them in the media would surely be helpful in controlling crimes in Manipur.

MAKING TIME BOUND

Wherever all such provisions have been made to elevate the suffering of the victims or aggrieved families, the government should have a fixed time frame for fulfilling the provision. This will boost the confidence of the public that they get help within a short period definitely even if they didn`™t resort to road block, bandh, arson and other violent activities.

INVESTIGATORS

The police have been often alleged to be not conducting the investigation properly and consequently the accused gets bail due to non charge- sheeting of the case in the court. This is also another main reason why there is lack of public confidence in the intervention of police in the cases of murder, rape and other crimes. If the police have investigated they would have followed scientific procedure of investigation and such kind of incident would never happen. There is a need to strengthen investigating role of police.

At the same time, the government needs to pay attention to improve the investigation ability of the police so that they are respected as professional force who finds out truth and book the culprit or law breakers.

The Scotland Yard has been respected worldwide for its investigation ability and also the CBI. The Police often complained that they are not often engaged in law and order duties so that they do not have time of investigation. In a state like Manipur where the rate of crime is high, separate investigating wing should be set up apart from the law and order duty personnel.

Hardworking and sincere investigators should be rewarded and promoted as the Manipur Police Commandoes has been done.

ROBUST FORENSIC LABORATORY

There is also the lack of an adequately set up forensic science laboratory with adequate technical staffs and latest modern equipments in the state. Many cases are reportedly lying in police stations for decades due to lack of corroborative forensic science evidences. Setting up of a new and robust forensic science laboratory in Manipur will lead to solving 100s of crimes which will in turn increase the confidence of the public and improving the law and order situation in the state.

This will ultimately led to decline of mobocracy, bandh, general strike, mushrooming of JACs, violent activities, law and order in crisis ridden state like Manipur.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR: Wahengbam Rorrkychand is journalist based in Imphal and a PhD student of Department of Journalism and Mass Communication, Kuvempu University, Shimoga in Karnataka. He can be contacted at rorrky@gmail.com

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/10/that-is-why-we-are-always-in-warring-mood/

By Khathing Ronrei

Ethnicity and Religion – are they always the reason to social conflict?
Meiteis, Nagas, Kukis, broadly are the major ethnic groups of people living in Manipur. Hinduism, Christianity and Islam are the major religions followed by the vast majority of people in Manipur.
On a careless observation the mix of these ethnicities and religions with their own unique history of language, culture, tradition, art, music, and jurisprudence seems rather diverse and colourful. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru rightly called Manipur the Jewel of India for she is truly the melting pot of rich culture wrapped amidst nature’s pristine beauty.

However this rich diversity and colour can be quickly overshadowed the moment one person out of his ethnical and religious motivation and persuasion, an instinct perhaps, demands the wrong question. This particular question that I want to draw your attention to, has been, and will always be the bone of contention for all the people/groups inhabiting Manipur.

I think it will be granted by any fair minded person that today no one ethnicity is superior to any other ethnicity; no one religion is superior to any other religion. It’s the mind-set, the conflict prone gene, and the wrong judgement that we have to deal with every time the question of ethnicity and religion comes to mind and in our conversation.

Protected by secular constitution, India, a secular democratic republic, matters of ethnicity or race, which isn’t a choice; and faith, which is a choice, should be determined by one’s citizenship, allegiance and identity, strictly confined to one’s race and one’s choice of religion. One should not manipulate these two different ideas for vested interest giving ethnic flare or faith-based vibes to make a political, social point just because one particular ethnic group is more superior because of its sheer size, and similarly of a faith group because of its sheer number of followers. It doesn’t make sense.

Any attempt to override this sacrosanct territory of race and faith will only lead to polarization of conflicts and social unrest in a matter of seconds. India has seen much of riots and conflict on similar history. No ethnicity or religion should be treated differently or given special privileges based on head counts, wealth, and power. So have we overrated our ethnicity? Have we overrated our faith group? The answer is regrettably yes.

Whom you’d like to vote, perhaps what kind of state Manipur citizens we would like to live in, what kind of state government system we would like to evolve to can all be vetoed by parties of bias ethnic group/s, and faith group/s if we allow ourselves to continue to view Manipur from that same prism of selfishness.

The silly question is this, which ethnic group is the majority or minority in Manipur? Which religion is the majority or minority in Manipur? This comparison seems trivial at the start, but deep down, it’s profoundly enshrined and hard wired in every individual’s hearts and minds. It begins from the top and then trickled down to the very bottom. As much as possible, such comparisons should have no effect on anyone, but does it? The consequences have become far too costly. Reading Manipur news headlines will tell you how Manipur is terribly divided today in ethnical and religious lines. Conflict seems to be the order of the day. Manipur needs an interlude of calm. Manipur needs to reflect on what this disharmony is about. Manipur has had enough.

Ludicrous examples such as, “the Chief Minister must always be a Meitei!” “The Deputy Minister must always be a Baptist!”“My children must be protected from the Catholics or SDA because they’re a different faith!” “Shias and Sunnis cannot live together!” leaving out at the very bottom, I’m afraid, the minorities and weaker lots. Defining every citizen by their faith and ethnicity will only disfigure, degrade, and retard what could have been an ideally plural and diverse and happy society – Manipur!

The writer can be reached at ronrei3@gmail.com.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/reflections-on-the-ethnic-crisis-in-manipur/

By Grace Jajo

Manipur is a State with mushrooming potential for tourism to exhibit its exotic landscape and lifestyle. While the rich cultural heritage of the State has received some visibility other aspects of its people and places continues to attract the craving of the inquisitive tourists. Perhaps Ukhrul District is one such destination with its green foggy mountains enthralling and hypnotizing travellers with fantastic views.

Khankhui Mangsor/Cave is one such enchanting limestone monument which has awed both tourists and researchers with its striking structures and location. The surrounding villages are inhibited by Tangkhul Naga tribe. Tangkhul are agrarian/agricultural based community. Their lives are adorned with festive celebrations based on the agriculture calendar. Most of the erstwhile ceremonies and rituals are fading with the adaptation to Christian faith and the onslaught of modernity.

Presently the popular festivals of the Tangkhul Naga are Luira Phanit/seed sowing festival, Yarra/peer group celebrations, Mangkhap Phanit/post seed sowing celebration, Mahat (Thareo) Phanit/ Post harvest festivals.

In the past Tangkhuls are known for practicing Head taking and constantly exhibiting their physical power. However historians described them as contented people within their own system of hunting and gathering food from the forest. Jhummias belt with their rich four tier system of organic farming guided by traditional knowledge and norms sustained their forest as one of the biodiversity hot spot today.

The twentieth century was a transition from the traditional towards modernity initiated by Christianity and western education several decades before present administration rooted in. Presently it is supposedly one of the most advance hill districts in the State.

Khangkhui Khullen Village is about 99 Km from Imphal via Ukhrul and takes about 4 hours in the winding road. Buses and shared taxi services @ 150 are available throughout the day for reaching Ukhrul.

From Ukhrul local shared taxis @ 70 will reached you to Khangkhui Village. The route to Khangkhui village from Imphal starts with the seamless stretch of paddy fields in the valley. Yaingangpokpi is a confluence of three districts namely Imphal East, Senapati and Ukhrul. The road towards Ukhrul starts climbing the winding road from there.

There are several Kuki villages on this stretch till Litan, the ultimate cosmopolitan town. From there the temperature drops and the freshness of the mountain breeze starts soothing your senses with an added fabulous view.

It is punctuated by an army post at Lambui which reminds the traveller of the conflict political situation and the intimidating sight of armies among civil population screening all travellers with mandatory registrations of vehicle details.

After ten minutes of driving you are enveloped by the fog in a welcoming note. You passed a cross road named after a British ‘Fins corner’.

From here it is a gentle downhill drive to the Nungshang Kong/river.

In the autumn you will see the cosmos blooming all over the roadside in different soft hues of white and pink, besides the rows of paddy terrace fields on both sides of the road. It takes another 30 minutes from there to reach Ukhrul passing the lines of bright brown sand quarries on the mountains.

The road from Ukhrul to Khangkhui village follows the NH 150 for about 8 km and takes a right diversion on a mud road for another 7 km to Khangkhui Khullen via Choithar villages. During the monsoon it is motorable only by 4×4 vehicles however in the dry season even bikes and other vehicles can reach the village.

There is a guest house in the vicinity meant to facilitate tourists which has not been managed well by the Tourism department. But the village has been extending its hospitality to all the travellers for both home stay lodging and fooding to experience the organic rural life.

Kangkhui Cave which is the biggest caves in Manipur is situated about 2 km away from the village habitat among the dense forest. Vehicles can reach upto the foothill. From the last 150 yards, a well maintained footpath leads to the cave opening area. Intriguing mystery that surrounds the cave and the scenic beauty of the vicinity can be mesmerizing.

The Limestone Cave has two openings, while the northern side is coarse the other is visibly smoother. There are several compartments/chambers inside including an upper chamber above the cave too. Some of the openings are spacious while one of the narrow openings leads much further inside linking to several sub openings/tunnels.

These multiple inside openings of the cave continues to intrigue the adventurous people to explore further and farther. While some might remain content with the magnificent view from there across the beautiful terrace fields and the fresh clean air that soothes the senses, some will definitely want to discover more of this mysterious dark caves.

There is a natural spring flowing to a crepe like structure. It is said that the water neither overflows nor dries throughout the year.

Another small stream flows out from the cave.

Here is also a fable that a dog lost its way inside and found its way out in the Mangva cave near Nungshangkong. Implying that one of the narrow openings might lead further south to this adjoining cave.

Some says during the Second World War the whole village cattle were lodged inside the caves for months but the deity fed them and they later emerged healthy. Folk lores and folk songs exhalt the presence of a deity in the caves.

According to Mayaso Shongzan in his book “A portrait of the Tangkhul

Nagas, anthropologies found historical artifacts that belong to the Paleolithic age. Whether the same race had continued to live on through the ages to become the present Naga people is unknown.”

He goes further to say, “There is also a fable of the Mangsor Deity having two wives –the first wife, being from Shirui peak, lived in the larger hall, and the second wife from Koubru Hills lived in the southern hall, which was smaller.”

Several bats whizzes inside the caves as the sound of the flowing water haunts the place. Yet the Jhum belts on the eastern range, the lovely grassland/meadows on towards Choithar village adds to the beauty of the Khangkhui Caves.

Harva Khangai or Point 7378. This grassland/meadow that is locally named Harva Khangai lies on the eastern side of Khangkhui Khunou Village. Harva literally means a cock in Tangkhul language and this hill top supposedly resembles a cock’s head. Here was the first ever battle of the Second World War fought on the Indian soil. On 18 of March 1944, 200 Japanese Troops had reached Pushing village which was just 3 miles away on the eastern side. The Japanese had come crossing the Chindwin River following the Chamu old jeep tract route. The following day on the 19 of March 1944, the British troop under the command of Major Fuller’s ‘C’ Company with 150 soldiers was defeated in this first battle in the Indian soil in a battle that lasted more than 24 hours. Major Fuller along with his second in command Capt. Roseby were wounded after twenty hours of exhaustive retaliation and died shortly. Lt. Easton along with a few wounded soldiers escaped through the thick jungle. The Japanese also suffered immensely in this battle. The dead bodies of the soldiers from both sides are believed to have been buried in the foothills there.

Such is the historical significance of this place which is been recognized as part of the War Tourism in Manipur State now which is merely 4 km from the habitat. It takes roughly one and half hour trekking to reach Harva Khangai from Khangkhui Khunou village. People prefer trekking through this green wilderness even if there is a motorable road till the foothill.

Picnickers would reached the place ahead of the sunrise and enjoy setting the traditional fire for breakfast at the hill top as they awaits the beautiful sight of sunrise.

The sunrise view from Harva Khangai is breathtaking. Many travellers have compared the sunrise view from here with the sunrise view from the famous Tiger Hills in Sikkim. On a clear autumn dawn, the emerging visibility of the view on all sides can mersmerised any nature lover. On the east, the visibility from there would reach till the Chindwin River in Burma across the Angou hill range. The left showcases the majestic Shirui peak before the late morning fog envelops the whole range. The south stretches in its endless thick green forest with its richness in flora and fauna.

The Harva Khangai is considered one of the best sunrise view spot in Ukhrul District fanned by a good wind speed. The locals have constructed a watch tower to facilitate the inquisitive travelers.

Organic farms adorn the neighbouring hillocks where the tastiest cabbage and wild apples adds to the scenic beauty.

Khangkhui village falls under the Ukhrul block. For health facilities it has PHC in its own village. The nearest hospital is located at Ukhrul which is 15 km away. The experience of visiting this village with its natural richness is the kind that imprints in the memoirs of every traveller.

This article is a compiled work as a part of the `World Tourism Day Media Fellowship` awarded by Manipur Tourism Forum.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/khankhui-mangsorcave-and-harva-khangai-or-point-7378-in-ukhrul/

By Garga Chatterjee

There are certain special positions in the brown world. Holders of some of these positions get an automatic license to give sermons to more than a billion people. These positions also come with a certificate of greatness, if not saintliness, and most usefully, an effective immunity from prosecution for any crimes one may have done. The position of the President of the Indian Union is one such. Of course, sermon are only grand when it is coupled with an occassion that is made grand by splurging public money. Teacher`s day is one such public money funded grand occassion. I am yet to come across a brilliant student or a great teacher who was inspired by sermons of the powerful on Teacher`s Day. I may have a small world. It is possible that Teacher`s Day sermon inspired people are out to transform this subcontinent at this very moment. But I have not seen them. In the Indian Union`s sarkari Teacher`s Day for 2015, its President Pranab Mukherjee spoke about his teachers, his school and his bygone days.

Shri Mukherjee said that he walked 5 kilometres every day to reach his school. `My life is my message` must be one of the oldest PR stunts in the world. The picture that was evoked in me by Shri Mukherjee`s publicly stated memory of his childhood was that of a child who walked to schools alongwith other children of the area. It is a picture of labour, hardship and determination in the face of a 5 kilometre walk. And the subliminal message I got was if Shri Mukherjee can get from there to where he is now, everyone can reach whatever their dreams are. Apparently, it has been prophesised even when Shri Mukherjee was young that he would become the Head of State one day. Most of the population has less ambitious dreams than that, and hence those should be more easily achievable. This picture of a 5 kilometre walk also has the quality of being not entitled, of being `self-made`, through merit and struggle, whatever that means for a Brahmin boy from a well-to-do family with a Congressite father who was a 3-time Member of Legislative Council, when Congress was the ruling party in Kolkata and New Delhi. The official website of the President of the Indian Union states he is `a man of humble origins`.

What this picture does not tell is that Shri Mukherjee`s class in his school was thoroughly unrepresentative of the caste composition of the area to `all` whose inhabitants the school supposedly catered. That was true then, that is true now for the schools where subsequent generations of such Mukherjees, Chatterjees, Jaitleys, Sardesais, Chaturvedis, Bhats, Mishras, Iyers, Namboodiripads and such others have moved to. `Other` people who could hardly enter the school now do the 5 kilometre trek. There is a caste-class pattern about who these `other` people are. They are the people whose caste numbers are being kept secret by suppression of the Socio-Economic caste census (SECC) data about the percentage of non-savarna castes, especially OBCs, in the Indian Union. There is `humble origin` and there is humble origin.

There is another aspect to this 5 kilometre walk picture. It gives the impression of a humbler, more austere time, when school density was abyssmal. Schools that are primarily expected to be attended by `others` are also in a hopeless state now. Austerity didn`t touch the Viceregal Palace then, and does not touch its renamed avatar called the Rashtrapati Bhaban. To metropolitan yuppies who are accustomed to store information by copy-pasting and not photo-copying, a longish walk to school also has the aura of being poor. But I have lived at the peak of the photocopy age and I photocopied, but I was never poor. Ashis Nandy points out this fashion among the historically well-to-do to falsely claim that they were poor or not rich. Is this to make the self-made through merit and struggle argument sound convincing, to get an ego-boost about achievements, to play down the defining role of inherited privilege in their lives?

Stories of rags to riches, chaiwala to King-Emperor, labourer to tycoon, obscures the statistical reality of the upward progress of the rest of the chaiwalas and labourers who have minimal chances of vertical movement in legal ways, irrespective of many miles they walk to school. These stories, of which the `American dream` is the Western Hemisphere version skilfully ignores systemic causes of exclusion – precisely because they are identifiable and changeable in a humane, democratic society. In its place, we have individual `human stories` of exceptions, labelled as products of grit, innovation, merit and hard-work, thus marking out the excluded as people who lack these qualities, as a group. Of course, building of my concrete home and cultivation of the paddy that ends up in my plate as rice, does not require grit, merit or hard-work. In a subcontinent of saints, sermons need to be decoded for what exactly they are.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/faked-rags-to-riches-stories-that-hide-rather-than-tell/

By Deben Bachaspatimayum

Why does it take so long for the Govt of India to make peace among peoples in Manipur and with it? Why the unending `disturbed condition`™, extra-judicial crimes, corruption and periodic/seasonal turmoil and social unrest are OK for the Central Govt? What does it gain or benefit out of this violent environment? Why the Central Govt wants to make peace with the Kuki and Naga armed groups who have effective control over the hills areas at the international border and across by recognizing their issues which directly threaten the pre-existing state and it`™s Constitutional and historical boundary increasing ethnic /communal tensions between ethnically closed neighbouring communities? Why the sum total of chaotically disturbed conditions OK for the political class of the state who compete to run more or less permanently disturbed Govt by hobnobbing with any national political party in power at the Centre? Why it is OK and satisfying to have seasonal economic blockades on all essential commodity supply lines, stand in queues night long for essential supplies or survive on one`™s own savings and increase tensions in society by dutifully resisting, reacting and rejecting or at best indifferent to any issues raised by hill peoples? Why should one continue to raise all of these questions when it is known that many have died in violent actions, out of frustrations, and/or simply disappeared without any trace on being a mere `suspect`™, by the (extraordinary) law in place? The onus is on the individual to allow natural body mechanism for self protection to escape from this death-trap system and seek answers from outside the system.

Has Manipur state become a violent conflict system that works, dependent, on external supply of resources? 20th century conflict studies tell us that conflict is natural because of the diversity in nature and so it is part of life and society. By definition conflict takes place when two or more party perceive that they have some differences or incompatible goals or interests. By this definition conflict can occur at different levels right from interpersonal to international levels. Sociology looks at conflict as essential function for change in society. Without conflict there cannot be any change. To have conflict can be seen as sign for healthy family and society. The Chinese looks at conflict as an `opportunity`™. But, the word `conflict`™ is badly abused and misunderstood, elsewhere, by associating with it, all kinds of negative or undesirable painful experiences or connotations. Any brainstorm exercises on `conflict`™ will draw out all kinds of words that expresses painful experiences and images all kinds of violence. But if take the Chinese look conflict need not be violent, all the time. It is also found out that conflict can become violent only when people by choice/ by default resort to violence as means to achieve their goals or when parties fail to sort out the issues or differences that are fundamental to each of them. People in the past and present continue to make extreme sacrifices of their lives in conflicts with others when they feel certain things which are non-negotiable in life or in the community are being threatened or compromised by the opponents. Further, any in-depth analysis of violent conflicts, often, lands up with the word `misunderstanding`™ and the chances of having more serious misunderstanding are higher between any two parties who do not share common backgrounds or experiences.

Manipur is land of hills and valley inhabited by diverse ethnic tribes, peoples, identities and languages who migrated from different directions and at different times, lived in relative isolations and it continues of attract migrants from all directions. The first wave of tribes who migrated into the fertile valley became the largest homogenous tribes with a common language binding them leaving behind more than 30 different tribes speaking different languages and identities in the hills surrounding the valley. For all these reasons, it is not unusual for the State of Manipur to get entrenched in spirals of violent conflicts and now to have come to a breaking point at present time. But at the hind sight, it might be helpful to gain a perspective understanding on when the conflicts in Manipur turned violent and how. Conflict must have worked through a homogenous Meitei society from its tribal status to emerge as an indigenous state in the valley and a cultural civilization with its unique art, literature, beliefs, customs and practices for more than 2000 years. The trail of violent conflicts begins to speak audaciously from 18th century onwards when Hinduism was forced upon the unwilling illiterate subjects of the feudal lord under external influence and interventions. Painful memory of tortures and burning of ancient Meitei scriptures are still carried over in the present observed as `Puiya Methaba Numit`, every year. A revivalist Meitei Sanamahi movement over the last few decades resulted into burning down the Central Library in 2004 and force inclusion of Meitei script in education curriculum and official use caused a deep division within Meitei society along different religious and cultural traditions: Hindus and Sanamahi communities. The conversion in the valley also effectively created a gap between hills and valley people by causing painful memories of social discrimination, exclusion and humiliation, following `purity and profane policy`™ against the valley-seeking hill tribes at the periphery to only strike back violently in the 21st century challenging the Manipur State by mobilizing external forces. The force conversion built in violent conflicts within the state and in the society and with other tribes in the hills, based on cultural differences.

By 19th century, further external intervention under the colonial dispensations caused far reaching impacts, in the legal and political environment of the state. Based on religious, cultural, geographical and social differences and divisions between hills and valley the British kept in place separate structures and institutions of governance and administrations totally severing all traditional socio-political relationships between hills and valley. Later, in the 20th century, the autonomy of the hills had to reflected in the drafting both Manipur state (Manipur Hill Areas Regulation) in 1947. The forced merger of the pre-existing independent and nascent democratic state in 1949 to the Union of India carrying post-traumatic syndrome following bloody Hindu-Muslim partition left a deep scare of humiliations among the patriots for losing the native state of the southeast Asian origins on one hand, and on the other, the joy of merging into the great Indian state and its economy of the Indo-Aryan cultural mainstream for the Hinduized section of society along with native state. By 1972 when the merged state was granted statehood under Union of India, the Indian Constitutions was amended to accommodate the pre-existing autonomy of the tribal identities in the hill areas (Hills Areas Committee under Art 371-C) while at the same time restricting their political rights by installing single house of 60 member legislative assembly with unequal representation of 20:40 hills: valley and structural power imbalance. This imbalance has been causing structural conflict within the system in 20th century. The extension of AFSPA 1958 by a resolution of state assembly in 1980 all over the state completely militarized the state to scalp and liquidate all anti-state or anti-national elements on mere suspicion with full legal impunity. But the patriots of pre-existing state continue to fight for over three decades, relentlessly with the belief that they will get freedom from occupational forces, one day. Leaving aside all of these cultural, historical and political reasons of violent conflicts World Bank studies tries to explain violent conflicts by using `greed and grievance`™ theory.

According to this theory, which is based on study of various protracted social conflicts around the world, conflict begins originally with genuine grievances but as it progresses further on over a period of time the greed of power, land, resources, prestige and material benefits take over to continue the fights, endlessly. This theory helps us to identify parties involved in a given protracted social conflict and identify their original grievances and greed over resources. Using this theory as an analytical framework can help us understand why and how certain armed groups in NER have shown climbing down from their tall claims for sovereignty to seeking autonomous areas under the existing state. Further, analysis can also explain how rival groups who fought against one another at one point of time can also come together as close allies, based on discovery of common interests between them. This theory has some limitations. Overusing it to explain all kinds of conflict in our region may be misleading. Moreover, this theory, does not lead us to transformation of a violent conflict system but guides to strike collaborations with conflicting parties by seeking common interests. The violence built in the system continues to work with other adversaries. It is futile to fight against a fully militarized state/ violent system. There are only two options.

Violence is self destructive system. It is said, violence destroys the power it seeks to have. This is one option. Don`™t challenge the state forces with small arms. But wait for the Manipur state to destroy itself by its own machinations. The question is how long and at what cost. There is no clear answer to this unless there are deliberate and subtle plans to hasten the process of self-destruction. The second option is to adopt conflict resolution and conflict transformation approach and put in place several strategies at work to separate violence from healthy conflicts. We need to know in specific terms all the underlying sources of violence and address them appropriately and authentically, once for all, to be able to work with the conflict to transform the systems of violence to one that is creative, productive, innovative and progressive. For the conflict transformation to happen human resource development in the field of conflict transformation and peacebuilding is critical. Transforming a violent conflict system like Manipur also requires an international collaborative of experts in the fields. Based on the international experiences of peacebuilding and conflict transformation, a professional and peace practitioners team from inside and outside the violent conflict system is critical to make the transformation processes more effective and comprehensive. But larger question is: whose interest is conflict transformation?

Why would the political class in Manipur and the Central Govt be interested to invest in conflict transformation in Manipur? Is there a common interest that can be also met better and safer, more efficiently and cost-effectively, and honourably by following nonviolent processes? What are values, needs and interests of each of key stakeholders in this conflict? Which of these values, needs and interests are negotiable and which ones for who is non-negotiable? How is the conflicting situation affecting the values, needs and interests of different parties? How can we work with those non-negotiable issues? We need to crack these riddle sooner to save lives of innocent people before they get engulf in the wild fire of communal hatred. Finally, it is not us and them but the system that has caught into spirals/ vicious cycles of violence by default. And if some of us are able to come out of it, take a systems perspective, we can design a peaceful and harmonious system to work for our social, mental and spiritual advancements in our society. This is possible if we know how to make conflict work for us for a better tomorrow without allowing it to get into violent cycles.

(Deben Bachaspatimayum is a Freelance, Peacebuilding consultant.)

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/it-is-not-us-and-them-but-the-system/

By Laifungbam Debabrata Roy

Another World Tourism Day is round the corner. Government agencies, the hospitality industry and motivated tour operators will join hands to celebrate this day yet again. Many others will organise events to follow suit. But where is tourism going? The economies of Thailand and Nepal, heavily dependent on tourism, are the worst economies of the Asian region. Is there a lesson to be learnt?

Since the mid-90s a lot of criticism of tourism emerged, especially new forms of tourism and the way it is being uncritically sought to be expanded. The initial criticisms were more in the nature of a challenge to start thinking and discussing critically about this sector; but since then, empirical knowledge has increased to base a more informed appraisal of the experience.

The progress in a promoting a more locally rooted, more equitable and environmentally friendly tourism in the past 20 years has been painfully slow. Understanding the reasons why this is so, and overcoming obstacles to change, remains a fundamental challenge.

Despite the significant attention paid by tourism academics and practitioners to sustainable tourism development in recent years, there has been a consistent failure within the tourism literature to relate the concept to the theory of its parental paradigm, sustainable development. As a result, the applicability of sustainable development to the specific context of tourism is rarely questioned. What remains still to emerge is a practical model of development theory and the notion of sustainability, which is possible to compare against the principles of sustainable tourism.

Tourism development remains embedded in early modernisation theory whilst the principles of sustainable tourism overlook the characteristics of the production and consumption of tourism. As a result, significant differences between the concepts of sustainable tourism and sustainable development are revealed, suggesting that the principles and objectives of sustainable development cannot be transposed onto the specific context of tourism.

The United Nations is on the brink of bringing into action a set of 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and 169 targets that aims to “Make Poverty History”. It is a unique tool designed primarily for negotiators, technical support teams and other actors engaged in defining a universal, integrated and transformational set of global goals and targets for sustainable development and the political declaration on the post-2015 development Agenda. SDG No.1 addresses just that – to end extreme poverty by 2030! SDG No. 13 also aims to stop climate change. These are definitely very tall orders.

The “jewels” of new tourism from the Maldives to Kiribati and Tuvalu in the Pacific are today in very real danger of literally disappearing under the rising ocean waves, whereas global inequality is rapidly accelerating! Unless Western consumption style practices are seriously curbed, and their rapid spread seriously tempered (especially in China and India where industrialisation is breathtaking), there is a disastrous implication looming. Tourism needs to take its temperature within this global context of change and decide its path in averting or encouraging the onset of this crisis.

Globalisation is the mantra being promoted globally by the G-8 countries, recognised now as the single global imperial power. Spread of consumerist lifestyles associated with their political and economic platforms gave rise to a number of movements to counter-balance this push. Prime among these is the anti-globalisation movement that makes its presence felt in each meeting of the G-8 powers. The “Pink Tide” of Latin America is a potentially significant challenge to counter-balance the G-8 powers’ wisdom and appropriateness in pursuing the “Washington Consensus”. The “war on terror” has also resulted in very significant changes in our patterns of behaviour and movement. All these trends of events, consumption behaviour and movement have direct and indirect effects on the development of tourism.

The December 2004 Asian Tsunami, the 2015 Nepal Earthquake which affected millions of people across many countries with many thousands of people who tragically lost their lives seem to stand for the fragility and resilience of tourism. The rebuilding and rehabilitation that follow these disasters provides a reminder of the potential advantages of locally generated and led development. In Thailand and India, after the tsunami, local people were literally transported out from their lands, which were grabbed by the lure of tourism dollars.

Manipur is embarking on a potentially dangerous trend of tourism development that is ill-informed, unsustainable, non-participatory and denies the essential creation of jobs, promotes local culture and products, understanding and stewardship of local ecosystems. This is being led by a government that is notoriously ignorant, contemptuous of democracy and people’s aspirations and living in a make belief world that is blind to the an inclusive development agenda awakening across the world today.

The government of Manipur, spearheading this headlong rush and gush in tourism, has yet to begin to try to understand the arguments and needs for new models of Third World tourism. This ranges from the appearance of a viable and sustainable development theory to fair-trade practices and pro-poor development potential. The promotion of people-centred approaches to development must take precedence over many other existing priorities, and this should find resonance with pro-poor, community-centred, tourism initiatives as a counter-balance to top-down and trickle-down approaches to tourism master planning in Third World destinations – something glaringly missing today in Manipur. At the same time, we have to guard against development spin and liberal use of ‘pro-poor’ as a development prefix, in the same way that ‘eco-’ became a prefix in the tourism industry.

The core of the argument remains in that development is an inherently unequal and uneven process, symbolised by the diasporic and increasingly thwarted movements of Third World migrants to the First World, starkly contrasted by accelerating movements of relatively affluent Western tourists to the Third World and the ideology of freedom of movement that supports this.

The question is can new forms of tourism become a significant game changer in Manipur’s development? In the context of increasing inequality, perpetuating social and ethnic hostilities and poverty, the overall size of the tourism industry (often invoked by tourism advocates to explain why it should be a major force in development) and the advances made, I would advise that we remain cautious. According to the UN, the progress in reducing poverty has now has slowed depressingly to a “snail’s pace”. We need to start from an assessment of the structures and powers that would determine the fate of tourism in Manipur. It is, perhaps, only too easy to be seduced by the possibilities inferred from what remain very few examples of positive change. This is not a “do nothing” prescription but a contribution to understanding the wider regional and global contexts within which tourism operates and from which responses must be forged.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/sustainable-tourism-a-failure-to-link-theory-to-practice/

By Oken Jeet Sandham

Our Northeast politicians are seen struggling in the sea of Indian political arena. Their political wisdom is fast waning. The Northeast is sharply divided on ethnic and tribal lines by wrong policies and programs of Delhi. Even after 70 years of India`™s Independence, Delhi can hardly solve any of the issues of the Northeastern India `“ be it social, economic, developmental or political. The hatred against the Northeastern people by the mainland people keeps increasing and this can be seen from the increasing crimes on them in many major Indian cities. The greatest fear of Delhi is the `UNITY` of the Northeast India as they presume that such `UNITY` will become a major threat to the `UNITY OF INDIA`. But is it logical to keep Northeast people divided for the sake of country`™s Unity? The people of the Northeast steadily and gradually start realizing that Indian democratic system is not working for the growth and benefit of them except creating more haves and have nots, besides systematically destroying the social fabric of them. Now stark reality is the younger generations start hating their representatives thinking that the politics they are playing under the Indian democratic system are not suitable to them. This not a good sign.

Even known and veteran mainland politician like Pappu Yadav, MP, from Bihar could openly threaten to forcibly pull out Manipuri passengers from trains running through Bihar and send them back to Manipur in retaliation of violence against Bihari migrants there. In fact, the MP was misinformed as no Biharis have been targeted as they have been peacefully living and running their business activities in the heart of the Imphal City. But what about open attacks on Utter Pradesh and Bihari migrants in Maharashtra in early 2008 by the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) and also in the last part of 2003, there was anti-Bihari drive in Assam wherein nearly hundred were killed and hundreds rendered homeless. This anti-Bihari drive in Assam just happened as the locals felt that jobs in the Northeast Frontier Railway in Assam would be snatched away by outsiders particularly Biharis. The exams were to fill up 2,750 Grade D posts. Of the total 6.2 lakh applicants, 94,533 were from Bihar. Local people in Guwahati feared that Biharis would capture most of the posts and this led to violence against the Hindi speaking people.

But the fact is where the job securities are for the youth of the Northeast. Nothing at all! The Center has terribly failed to frame clear cut employment policies under various major Ministries. No one knows clearly what are the policies and programs being framed for the educated employed youth of the Northeast nor are our MPs aware of the loopholes. Nearly 30 lakh educated unemployed youth are there in the Northeast and the numbers keep increasing every year and what will be the fate of them if the Government does not think seriously on this. Where will they go? The job security will become out of question after some years and there will be fights and chaos in the region if the immediate attention is not paid.

As we know there are no major factories and industries in the Northeast till now. The Center keeps sweetly preaching that the youth of the Northeast should not attempt for the Government jobs only, but they would hardly give an alternative for them. They know there is a lack of industrial establishments in the Region, but never trying to have one for the Region. Some 4 to 5 major factories and industries are in the region and most them were also built by the British when India was under them. See the famous Digboi Refinery which was set up in 1901 at Digboi in Assam. Even Commercial production of tea in India began after the conquest of large areas by the British East India Company, at which point large tracts of land were converted for mass tea production. The widespread popularity of tea as a recreational drink began in earnest in the 1920s, after a successful advertising campaign by the Tea Board and several mass promotion drives by the Government, using railway stations as a base. Even almost all the existing rail tracks, railway stations and services in the Northeast were established by the British and so also many roads in the Northeast.

Now a very simple question is what are the major industrial policies the Center had so far framed for the development of the Northeast India after attaining her Independence in 1947. The thinking that the citizens of this part of the country would get more development and dignified lives after India`™s Independence has become otherwise. Because historically, the British was responsible for many unwanted issues that have been prevailing till today. Why haven`™t the rulers of this country thought of this or whether the new leaderships of this country are planning any? We need an answer from our country`™s leaders at Delhi. What a life the citizens of the Northeast are enjoying?

Yet, one of the most setbacks on our part is also that our elected representatives in their respective States in the Northeastern Region sometimes fail to understand their roles and limits. Our 34 Members of Parliament from the Northeastern Region have been terribly failing to come together even for the common cause of the Northeast people. When we study the allocation of the funds for the Northeast comparing to other States is like a joke. See the Central allocation of Rs 53,000 crore for the entire Northeast (2015-16) is just little more than a half of Mumbai-Ahmedabad Bullet Train Cost `“ Rs 90,000 crore. Yet, not a single MP from Northeast complained of this. Have our MPs ever thought of examining the budgetary allocations not only to their respective States but also the entire Region? Have our MPs and politicians ever sought of taking advices from the experts as to why the huge economic imbalances have been going between the Northeast and the rest of the country? Time has come for the people of the Northeast India to wake up to thoroughly study as to why they are still underdeveloped and far behind others in this funnily `CYBER AGE ERA` before it is too late. It is now or never.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/is-indias-democratic-system-suitable-to-the-northeast-people/

By Jagdamba Mall

In African continent, the Negro community practiced their indigenous faith `“ Voodoo religion before the advent of Christianity. The British people practiced Dhrud religion. But these were uprooted. The civilizations practised by Inca, Maya, Aztec and Cheroki tribes of America were destroyed. Hundreds of them were killed for protecting their civilization. But now they are re-inventing it. They are reviving it. Britain has recognised Dhrud religion. Similarly Voodoo religion is also recognised in South Africa. The countries in Middle East are also reviving their indigenous culture and religion popular before the advent of Islam.

Similarly, our forefathers had rich cultural heritage in Naga society. They had well developed concept of God and philosophy of life. This was best suited with nature. Our forefather`™sbelieved in co-existence and symbiosis. They not only tolerated other religions but they helped them to grow simultaneously. This eternal religion encouraged them to live as honest, hospitable and industrious and have devotion in God. It developed colourful culture. This should have been promoted and practiced to preserve the cultural identity of Nagas but it was cursed and condemned as savage and wild, which was absolutely wrong. If it is not revived and promoted today it will be lost forever as it has happened in western countries in Middle East.

Rani Gaidinliu, though in a tender age of 14, understood the significance of rich and colourful culture of Nagas. She had divine power by birth. She visited Pubon cave in Dima Hasao district of Assam near Silchar. She also visited Zeilak lake in Tamenglong district of Manipur and holy places in Nagaland. She got enlightenment from Lord Tingwang. After enlightenment she spread divine messages of Tingwang.

During those days in 1920, and thereafter the British occupational forces were spreading their tentacles in Naga Hills and adjoining Naga areas. There was no Nagaland during those days.Even Dimapur was not in Naga Hills. Tuengsang was part of North East Frontier Agency (NEFA). But Rani Ma mobilised an organised armed freedom struggle against British. At Hungrum, the Zeliangrong army under leadership of Rani Gaidinliu and her commanders came face to face and fought a fierce battle where seven Rani Jawans were martyred and equal number of British Army were killed.

She gave a clarion call to all Zeliangrong people and other members of Naga society (i) to join disobedience movement against British expansionist forces (ii) not to pay house taxes and other taxes (iii) not to render porter services to British people and British Army officers and (iv) not to give up Zeliangrong eternal religion and culture. She toured all the Zeliangrong villages in Naga Hills, Assam and Manipur. Different Zeliangrong villages were offering Mithun in her honour. This practice of offering Mithun and welcoming her army was to assure and commit their solidarity with her freedom struggle. The British Government promoted foreign missionaries who condemned eternal religion and culture of Zeliangrong people and helped British in spreading their rule and reign. Because of this, she alerted her people against this conspiracy and conversion crusade. For this reason, the British caught her on October 18, 1932 in Poilwa village when she was constructing wooden fort to accommodate 5000 Zeliangrong freedom fighters. Our own Zeliangrong people conspired against her because of which she wascaptured. She was bought to Kohima and put her in jail for two months. Here a mock trial was done. The British imprisoned her for life on treason and murder charges.

The charges framed were similar to those of Haipou Jadonang of Kambiron (Puilon) `“ (i) the murder of five Meitei betel traders on way to Silchar (ii) the revolt against British rule (iii) declaration of Naga Raj (iv)totalboycott of British rule and (v) practice and promotion of `wild`™ cult called Heraka. After five months in Imphal jail, she was bought in Guwahati jail for a year where she was brutally tortured in jail. She was kept in such a dilapidated and crumbling cell seeping during rain that scorpions and poisonous snakes used to crawl inside the secluded prison cell. It was done with an intension to let her die after a snake-bite or scorpion-sting. But she was peaceful in this cell meditating for God`™s boons and blessings. The attempts were made to commit rape on her but nobody could dare to do that heinous crime after seeing her face shining with `aura`™. The jailer had assigned a jail police to enquire each day if Gaidinliu was dead due to snake bite or disease. When police would call her from outside, she would respond him instantly and in a very normal way and voice as if nothing was done. After over a month`™s surveillance and scrutiny, the jailer realised and recognised Gaidinliu`™s divine power and fearless life. Whenever, the jailer met he found her smiling shining face and forehead with subtle emanation. Rather, she would enquire about well-being of him and his family. The jailer was thus moved and developed respect and reverence for her. After a month she was allotted a better cell. But British Govt was afraid of her divine power. They moved her away to Shillong jail after a year so that she could not establish communication from her prison cell with her lieutenants in Naga areas.

She was for quite long in Shillong jail and was tortured here also. Other prisoners were also mal-treated. They were forced to do labour job but they were not given proper food, medicines and remunerations. Gaidinliu revolted against jail authority and went on fast unto death. Lastly, the jail authorities conceded her demands. The other fellow prisoners developed regards for her as goddess. When Nehru visited Silchar he had heard about Gaidinliu in Shillong jail. In 1937, he visited Shillong jail and met in her prison cell. He was surprised to see this brave Naga girl of hardly 22. He asked why she revolted against British leading her to life imprisonment knowing fully well that the revolt against white rule would incur British wrath. She replied- `I am fighting for freedom of my people and for my country. I am also fighting for protection and promotion of my eternal religion and culture. What is wrong in that? We have got every right to enjoy liberty in life and freedom of religion. Nobody should have objection to what God we believe in, and what religion we practice. The attack on our religion and at the sovereignty of the country must be resisted with all the might at our command. Because of that I am imprisoned`. On hearing this, Nehru was moved and out of love and regard he fondly called her as `Rani of Nagas`. He recognised her contribution in freedom of country and wrote to Lady Ester of British Parliament to move a resolution for the release of Gaidinliu. She did move resolution in British Parliament but White rulers termed Gaidinliu as `Terror of Northeast` and feared to release her. The British stated that once she was out, the rebellion against British would spread like wild fire.When Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose was President of Congress a resolution was passed again in the meeting of Indian National Congress in Ahmedabad, Gujrat to request British Govt for releasing her from jail .This was quoted by Prime Minister Narendra Modi while speaking as Chief Guest in a program on 24th August 2015 in Vigyan Bhawan, New Delhi.

The British arranged a handsome Khasi boy and the Govt put the proposal if she married him and start living a normal life she would be released from jail and her charges would be dropped but she flatly refused. Rather she was very angry on such silly saga. She was,thereafter moved to Aizawl jail and finally to Tura jail from where was released when India got independence in 1947.

The country was celebrating the achievement of freedom but Gaidinliu- the freedom fighter was taken away more than 500km away from her people to a solitary small Chang village- Yimrup in NEFA now Tuensang district of Nagaland. She was not allowed to visit Zeliangrong area and meet her people. When NNC movement was at its peak and her lieutenants of Zeliangrong Army and eternal religion and culture were threatened at gun point, her life was in danger. She adopted jungle path in 1960 to 1966 to defend her innocent people and her religion and culture. She fought with NNC militants but she never attacked any Church nor did she kill anybody only because he or she was a Christian. When she was attacked brutally by NNC, she had to face the challenge to defend her people. In that course, there were recurrent clashes between NNC and Rani Gaidinliu Army. Sometimes in 1963 NNC approached Rani Gaidinliu to maintain peace. Rani Ma agreed to the proposal and a daylong meeting was held resulting into a six point agreement between both the warring parties. Unfortunately, NNC violated the agreement. They attacked Rani jawans and killed nine of them. The NNC cadres burnt 19 Heraka houses to ashes. The Rani Ma`™s army retaliated. This ambush and counter ambush continued till middle of 1966.

In 1966, the State Government of Nagaland under P. Shilu Ao as Chief Minister, the Deputy Commissioner of Kohima Shri S.C.Dev was assigned the job of contacting Rani Gaidinliu and convincing her to surrender. He met her in thick jungle near Nsong. After several negotiations through interlocutors and constant persuasion she finally agreed to surrender aftersigning an agreement. She appeared at Nsong, came to Tening and surrendered her arms and army and then settled in Kohima. The state government granted (i) a freedom fighter`™s pension (ii) a type Vbungalow (iii) two lady attendants (iv) one UDA as PA (v) one new Mahindra jeep (vi) driver and (vii) 10 Nagaland Police as permanent Security guard at her residence. She was provided travel expenditure, an additional vehicle and police patrol party to escort her in the places of her visit. Whenever, she visited Delhi or other metropolis in the country, the state government of Nagaland granted money to meet her travel expenses. Her medical bills and those of her staff and family members were reimbursed. She was in VIP list in State and Central Government. On every Independence Day or Republic Day each year or on occasion of Prime Minister`™s visit or in any public program of National interest she was state`™s special Invitee as state Guest.

She was President of Nagaland unit of All India Freedom Fighters Association. She was patron of several nation level public organisations. While speaking in various function at Delhi, Kolkata, Mumbai, Madras and other prominent places in the country, she talked about the virtues of Naga society. She informed the nation that all Nagas were not Christians and all Christian Nagas were not anti-India. She also informed the nation that still there were sizeable number of Nagas in most of Naga communities living in remote villages who follow their eternal religion and culture. What is wrong in that when she spoke like that? Was it incorrect during those days? Because of her constant crusade to correct the history and brighten the `terrorist` and `anti-Indian` image of Naga society, the Naga students and Naga youths in other parts of the country gone for higher study and livelihood, could avoid the insult and indignity and attain the peace and prestige in those places.

Shri Neiphiu Rio, then MLA in early 1995 attended as a Chief Guest of Japfu Phiki Pfutsana Keseko Kehou (Organisation of Angami followers of their indigenous faith) in Mima village. While speaking he said, `The Christian missionaries should not convert the remaining Pfutsana followers from Angami community because it must be kept intact so that whenever felt necessary, it can be revived and rejuvenated`. Rani Gaidinliu`™s message was also clear and loud- `Protect, preserve and promote your eternal religion and culture to maintain native cultural Identity of Nagas`. Was this proclamation of Rani Ma wrong and offending? India is a secular country where followers of each religion have equal freedom of practice. But Nagaland was declared as `Nagaland for Christ` and forcible conversion at gunpoint was launched out. Rani Ma`™s followers `“ Herakas and Sansaris were hunted out. When opposed, the Church leaders and NNC said that since Nagaland was a Christian majority state declared as `Nagaland for Christ` and also Baptist Christianity as constitutionally and officially declared state religion, all Nagas must follow Baptist Christianity. On other side, Nagaland is an integral part of India and 85% Indians are Hindu. What will happen if India is declared as Hindu nation and Christianity is not allowed to exist? Where shall Naga Christians then go? The fact is that neither `Nagaland for Christ` is justified nor presumed Hindu India.

Rani Ma preached love, peace and harmony to one and all irrespective caste, creed and religion. She lived upto her ideals till her death. She believed not only in tolerance but co-existence and symbiosis. She respected all religions but loved most her own Heraka religion. She propounded emphatically that Christianity may be good but it was a foreign religion whereas Heraka was her own religion perfect in all respect. Every religion of the world had cropped up and propped up some irrelevant practices with the passage of time. Christian history is also full of stories of Christian reformers. Bertrand Russel and Martin Luther were iconic Christian reformers accompanied with scores more. Hindus and Muslim too have many reformers. Rani Ma Gaidinliu was first and foremost reformer in Naga society. She is an icon in Naga society. She is the symbol of bright image of Nagas and their eternal religion, colourful culture and Nagas`™ cultural identity which is in crisis today. Unfortunate that there are some members of Naga society who are behaving as an iconoclast in opposing Rani Ma`™s philosophy of life, her ways of worship and place of worship, her historic and unique contribution to Naga society. Naga society should note and recollect that iconoclasm and religious intolerance are foreign to Naga ethos, whatever intolerance is appearing today is because of alien addiction. Rani ma was simply a freedom fighter, spiritual leader, social reformer, epoch maker, educator and a centripetal force in uniting Zemi, Liangmei and Rongmei clans. Rani Gaidinliu was the greatest leader of Zeliangrong People`™s Convention (ZPC). Simultaneously, she was close friend of Jawahar Lal Nehru, Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi and P.V. Narhsimha Rao. Because of her dynamic leadership, the demand of Zeliangrong Homeland reached up to Union Ministry for Home Affairs New Delhi when Buta Singh was Home Minister. The things were going well but because of some weakness of our own people from Zeliangrong community, the plan was failed. Had Zeliangrong Homeland come true, the dream of greater Nagaland would have, at least partially, fulfilled. It was Rani Gaidinliu who did it. It was Rani Gaidinliu who sent hundreds of Naga students for primary and higher education outside the state. They have come back to Nagaland and leading a respectable life here.

Before Independence in 1947, almost all Nagas were follower of their eternal religion and culture barring microscopic minority of Nagas converted to Baptist Christianity. Most of parents and grand -parents of today`™s Naga Christians were follower of eternal religion and native culture inherited by our forefathers from generation to generation. They held their religion fast. Simultaneously, each Naga community was freedom-loving and democratic people. When British came in Naga areas alongwith white Christian missionaries, each and every Naga villages revolted against them. It was spontaneous response of a free Naga following his forefather`™s religion and culture having rule of his own throughout the village. Each village was governed by customary laws.

The Khonoma Revolt led by Angami warriors against white rule and alien religion was a unique well-organised revolt ever put forth against British occupational forces in the middle of nineteenth century. A.Z.Phizo himself led a group of Angami Nagas to assist the Indian National Army (INA) of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose to fight against British army in Kohima battle of Second World War in 1944. Kohima War Cemetery is the testimony to this fact. As per the book and CD brought over by Chesezu villagers in Chakhesang area, Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose stayed in their village at the place over shadowed by bamboo groves. The Chesezu villagers are carefully preserving the place where Netaji stayed and took bath. A book and a CD have been brought over by a Chakhesang author. The villagers have named two adjacent high mountain peaks as Netaji Peak. The youths of the village are maintaining a guest house for tourists and visitors of the Netaji Peaks.

The forty-eight Chakhesang youths of Thevepisumi village situated 25 km east of Kohima, were murdered in one-go by armed cadres of NNC on the charges of refusing to support NNC movement. In the year 1980 and thereafter, several people were killed and even several Churches were attacked by our own people. And it was reported in local media that nearly forty thousand Nagas were killed in the fight for freedom from India. Who killed them? Indian Army? Or, one group killed other?This has gone into the pages of history. One must note that history can be created but it cannot be changed. It can neither be ever evaded nor be ever eradicated. It is a permanent record.

Rani Gaidinliu was not in any way responsible for such holocaust. Instead of showering veneration, the brisk flurry of vengeance and abuses are spilled over Rani Ma. She is being condemned and cursed as tantric witch, human blood sucker, magician, sorceress, Frankenstein monster, an ignorant superstitious incoherent woman, an unlettered village witch, a sham (imposter), the very handy and reneged Baptist witch, Rani of Rongmeis from Lungkao, absurd and ridiculous lady so on and so forth. Why are other killers not cursed in the way Rani Ma is condemned? Is it because they professed Christianity and Rani Gaidinliu did not? If it is so, is it the real Christianity? Is it the true face of Christianity? The Church leaders preach day and night that Christianity unites the people but an attempt appears to be being made by few people with mala fide intension to segregate Rani Ma from Zeliangrong community by describing her as Rani of Rongmeis. This is a conspiracy to weaken Zeliangrong community further. The use of abusive and unparliamentarily words for Rani Ma is unbecoming behaviour devoid of any wisdom.

There are several stone statues of St. Francis, St. Joseph, St. Xavier, Don Bosco and Mother Teressa at several prominent places in Kohima, Dimapur and other places in Nagaland. Were they native Nagas of Nagaland? If Govt. of India proposes today to install a statue of Mahatma Gandhi in Kohima, will it be opposed and still demand truck-load of money from Delhi for survival in Nagaland. And if Mahatma Gandhi`™s statue is also opposed, will it be wise?

There are many Nagas from Manipur in underground organisations who are fighting for the cause of all Nagas irrespective of their place of birth. If some agreement is finally signed with Delhi, will the underground leaders from Manipur or from Assam not be allowed to settle in Kohima or will their statues, monuments and memorials not be allowed to be installed, erected or constructed in Kohima? If this also is opposed, will it be wise? If these are opposed, the enlightened people will call it as melodrama enacted by a group of malignant megalomaniacs.

Delhi cannot be claimed as their own by any group of people. Similarly, Kolkata, Mumbai, Madras and other mega polis cannot be claimed by anybody as their own exclusively. Not even any state capital can be the sole property of a particular community though that city might be established in the area of that community. Similarly, Kohima is the capital of Nagaland and thereby, this city is the property of every Naga. India is the home of every Hindu-non-resident Indians living abroad and genuine citizens living in different states. Similarly, Nagaland is the home of Nagas. No Naga can be prevented from living here or from erecting / installing monuments and statues of prominent leaders of a particular Naga community.

Rani Gaidinliu was certainly born in Lungkao village situated in today`™s Manipur but there was no Manipur during British period. Further, she was a divine girl by birth and joined rebellion against British at the age of 14. She continued touring in Zeliangrong areas now vivisected in three states- Assam, Nagaland and Manipur. From 1947 till her death she was in Nagaland spending most of the time in Kohima. She sacrificed her life for the betterment of not only Zeliangrong people but every section of Naga society. Her approach was all-inclusive and all-embracive and never a sectarian irrespective of caste, creed and religion. She is highly venerated women in whole of the Zeliangrong community. She is `Mother` of all of us. Those who are abusing her should also think that sentiments of Zeliangrong people are hurt. Think how would you feel if a reputed person in your family or in your community is insulted? You will certainly be hurt. Similarly, we are also wounded when our Rani Ma is condemned for no reason or rhyme.

Our country has honoured her by awarding Tamra Patra, Padma Bhushan, commemorative one rupee postal stamp, commemorative 100 rupee and 5 rupee coins with photo of Rani Ma. She has also been awarded (i) Vivekanand Puruskar (ii) Birsa Munda Award (iii) Instituted commemorative Stree Shakti Puruskar in Rani Gaidinliu`™s name. Her Birth Centenary was celebrated at 30 places throughout the country under the aegis of National Committee for Birth Centenary Celebration of Rani Gaidinliu. The Governor Shri P.B.Acharya and Chief Minister Shri T.R.Zeliang were Chief Patrons.

In addition to that, National Implementation Committee for Commemoration of following programs was constituted-

1. Birth Centenary of Rani Gaidinliu

2. Birth Centenary of Bhishma Sahani (Cinema artist)

3. 150th year of Lala Lajpat Roy

4. 200th year of Tatya Tope

5. 475th Year of Maharana Pratap

6. 500th Year of return of Chaitanya Maha Prabhu to Vrindavan

Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh is the Chairman of that Committee which will be organising several programs throughout the country through Zonal Cultural Centres and other socio-cultural organisation.

The remarkable incidents occurred in the life of Rani Gaidinliu (posthumous or living) do not occur in the life of an ordinary person. The nation has recognised her divine virtues and her role as a bridge over gulf between Naga and non-Naga community. We should also honour this rare Naga lady popularly known as Rani Ma.

I appeal to one and all, particularly Kohima Village Youth Organisation to cooperate in building of Rani Gaidinliu Museum cum Library and installation of statue of Rani Ma.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/the-relevance-of-rani-gadinliu-in-nagaland-and-the-country/

By Dennis Misao

Among the many failed slogans that supposedly proclaim the Manipur fusion has been that of Hill `“ Valley integrity. This failure is quite obvious and apparent today. There is nothing else to do but wake up and face its bitter realities. Apart from opportunistic photo-ops and selfies, we have had no real integrity, either in the past or in the present. If the idea of an undivided Manipur had any real content, it would not be questioned today simply over the issue of the ILP related bills. It would have taken more than the jibes on social media to create this storm cloud looming precariously over both Hill and Valley. This monster was not created overnight.

This long standing grouse is rooted in racial slurs and slights exchanged with mutual disdain over generations. Shooing the other away as an anathema, it was quite natural then, for hill and valley to mark out territories and comfort zones. As time went on, this pettiness extended to politics and economics. The dividing lines blurred a little, but mostly stayed the same. The hills remained distant and aloof – partly by choice, partly by definition. The valley realized that its comfort zone was rapidly shrinking, almost as an afterthought.

If racial profiling divided Manipur, the same profiling has united the hills. Hill tribes accustomed to hunting each other`™s heads found common ground in a shared distaste of the valley. An opportunistic union, but a union nonetheless.

Successive governments only succeeded in maintaining their position as the invisible `foreign hand`. Never seen, never heard, omnipresent in loot and misgovernance, and responsible for all manner of evil therein. The burning of effigies and houses is but a desperate attempt at exorcism. The government remains, yours sincerely, favourite whipping boy.

Caught in the crossfire are the migrant workers. Their only crime is that of making an honest living. Their contribution to the economy of the state has been unfairly demonized with the exclusive language of the ILP. Given a choice, they would gladly seek greener pastures elsewhere. Even if they did leave, they would probably do so with no hard feelings. The hard feelings, if any, remain in the hills and valley.

The current crisis is therefore more emotional than political. Take away the raw emotional undercurrent, and what you see are two sides of the same coin, each justifying and presenting its own side of the story.

What is currently at stake cannot be defined simply as a struggle for or against ILP. It cannot be defined from the point of view of one community only. It cannot be an emotional definition based on past history and ancient glory. It must seek an honourable settlement for both hills and valley. This settlement is long overdue. Too many precious lives have been lost already.

What now then? Do the hills and valley continue to step on each other`™s toes? Do they forgive and forget? Or do they peacefully part ways and get on with their lives?

I am grossly under qualified to answer this question in an era of globalization .

That answer is best left to the hordes of qualified academics, statesmen and internet trolls of which there is no short supply.

I do not claim to be either.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/separation-anxiety/

Three Bills On ILP `“Aftermath And Future Course Of Action
By Dr. Khomdon Lisam

Manipur belongs to the Meiteis, Nagas, Kukis, Meitei Pangans. Without Meiteis, Nagas, Kukis , Meitei Pangans, we can not call it Manipur. The Nagas and Kukis have sacrificed their lives for protecting the sovereignty, independence, unity and integrity of Manipur. Chirai Naga alias Chirai Thangal of Mayangkhang aged 30 years was hanged by the British on 13th Oct. 1891 inside the jail for killing and cutting off the head of a British Telegraph officer, W.B. Melville. He died for protecting the sovereignty of Manipur. Niranjan Subadar, son of Daria Singh Chetri aged 39 years of village Tikuamoh joined the native force of Manipur and later appointed as Subadar by the Tikendrajit Jubraj after leaving the regular British Army of the 34th Native Infantry. He was hanged by the neck for assisting the Manipuris against the British. on 8th June, 1891. He died for his country. Chowkami Naga of Mayangkhang and Gowho Naga of Mayangkhang were sentenced to transportation for life by the British to Andamans and Nicobar
Islands (Kalapani) on 7th March, 1892 on the charge of (1) Murder of Signaller O`™Brien and (2) Abetment of murder of Mr.Melville ( vide Administration Report of the Political Agency , Manipur for 1906-1907 ) (Vide Secretary to the Chief Commissioner`™s letter No. 1822 dated 23rd April, 1892).

The main worry of the Manipuris is the unabated influx of outside migrants from other states of India for the last 65 years with the risk of reducing the Manipuris into minority or even extinct as happened in Andaman & Nicobar Islands, Tripura and some districts of Assam. Now the outside migrants is dominating the markets. They have purchased lands in many parts of Manipur valley. The married local girls to claim their rights to land properties. Many of the outside migrants have become crorepatis after arrival in Manipur. The risk will be greater with the arrival of Railways and implementation of Look East or Act East Policy. That is why the Manipur State Assembly passed the three Bills.

Many people say that the business class of outside migrants in Manipur are secretly financing and instigating the tribal to ignite an uprising against the Meiteis to stall the implementation of the three Bills. We should not allow ourselves to be trapped at the hands of the outside migrants.

Is the Meiteis communal as charged by the hill people ?

The Meiteis once lived in the hills and migrated to the valley in search of better prospects. Why the hill people of Manipur blamed the Meiteis as communal on every issue. Why the hill people take it as a matter of honour, pride, popularity and prestige to carry out Anti-Meitei activities and slogans `“that too by sitting at Imphal. Is there anything wrong with the Meiteis mind set. The conflict between the Meiteis and Hill people started when the Meiteis became partial Hindus in 1732 under King Garib Niwaz (1709-48) and when the hill people became partial Christians with gradual conversion to Christianity with the arrival of William Pettigrew in February, 1894 although we claim to be pure Hindus and pure Christians. Further, with the merger of Manipur to India on October 15, 1949 AD and with the adoption of the Indian constitution on 26 January, 1950, the Government of India inserted a highly discriminatory article 370C in the Indian Constitution without consulting the Manipur Government to keep us divided and to keep Manipur on the boil all the time. Let us see some of the facts :-

There are more than 150,000 Kabuis, Tangkhuls, Maring, Aimol Chiru, Thadou, Paite, Hmar, Chothe, Vaiphei, Zou Gangte, Kom, Monsang, .Moyon, Poumai, Purum etc. settled in the valley with pattas of their homestead land under the Manipur Land Revenue & Land Reforms Act-1960. The valley land once purchased by a tribal can not be sold to a Metei without the approval of the deputy commissioner under the Act. But the Meities can not buy land in the hills. The Meiteis never complained about the discriminatory provision of the land law passed by the Indian Parliament. They never complained even if some tribal encroached over the valley land for constructing illegal buildigs, churches without patta. The Meiteis never complained even if some Imphal-based tribal leaders talk of redrawing the map of Manipur for greater Nagaland or Kuki homeland-that too by sitting at Imphal. The Meiteis never complained even if more than 200 Trucks and Buses are looted of Rs, 3000 to 5000 from every vehicle everyday by the NSCN-IM under the nose of Indian Army or state police. The Meiteis never retaliated against frequent killing of poor Meitei drivers along the national highways and talented Meitei Officers. Is it due to stupidity or timidity on the part of the Meiteis ? No hill leader got elected if he does not talk of anti-Meitei activities and chant anti-Meitei slogans. After getting elected, the first thing they do is to buy land and construct palatial buildings in the valley. The tribal MLAs and Bureaucrats sell off the materials earmarked for hills and siphoned off funds earmarked for hills, buy costly cars and blamed the Meiteis for underdevelopment of hills. The Hill MLAs did not raise any voice while the three Bills were passed on 31 July, 2015. For the last 65 years, the Meiteis has been indulging in appeasement policies of the hill brothers because of common origin and blood relations between Meiteis and hill people. That is the duty of the Meiteis as a major community to sacrifice their interest for the sake of unity and solidarity between Meiteis and hill people. This should not be interpreted as cowardice, stupidity or communalism on the part of Meiteis.

One thing Meiteis may learn from our hill brothers and sisters is their unity and solidarity for a common cause. The intellectual groups of Meiteis remain silent on important state issues. They do not understand that their silence is damaging the future of their sons and daughters and the destiny of the state. What kind of future we will hand over to our children for peace, unity and development of Manipur is a big question. We can not see or identify any issue to fight for and to die for. We live for nothing and die for nothing. We should choose between live for nothing or die for something.

What is wrong with the three Bills ?

On 31 August, 2015, the Manipur State Legislative Assembly has passed three bills to protect indigenous people of Manipur -(1) the Manipur Peoples Protection Bill-2015 (2) the Manipur Land Revenue & Land Reforms (Seventh Amendment) Bill 2015 (3) the Manipur Shops & Establishment (Second Amendment Bill -2015. On the same day at about 6 pm before knowing the details of the Bill, a mob in Churachandpur erupted into violence ransacking and setting fire on the houses of Shri Phungzathang Tonsing , Hon`™ble Health Minister, Shri Vungzagin Valte, Hon`™ble MLA of Thanlon Constituency. The mob also attacked the residences of Ginsuanhau, Hon`™ble MLA of Singhat, shri Manga Vaiphei , Hon`™ble MLA of Henglep constituency. Mr. Lunminthang Haokip, Deputy Commissioner imposed CrPC-144 with effect from 7 pm of the same day to control the mob. Till date eight lives have been lost and many are injured due to police firing. The people have declared the eight victims as Martyrs on 4th September, 2015. The indiscriminate police firing leading to death of eight people should be condemned in the strongest terms and the Government should conduct an enquiry and compensate the loss.

The three Bills were passed with the objectives of protection of indigenous people of Manipur including hill people. While the Manipur Peoples Protection Bill-2015 has some flaws, there is nothing wrong with the other two Bills.

Clarification of the Hill Areas Committee, Manipur

Dr. Chalton Lien Amo, Hon`™ble Chairman of Hill Areas Committee, Manipur declared on 1 August, 2015 that the three Bills passed by the Manipur State Assembly do not contain anything which may impinge upon the interest of the tribal people and the violent reactions which erupted was the result of misunderstanding . ( Sangai Express dated 2-8-2015)

Clarification by the State Government

Shri Gaikhangam, Hon`™ble Deputy Chief Minister, Manipur clarified on 2nd August, 2015 that the Bills are meant to protect the indigenous people and not against any community. People should read. study and analyze the three Bills before agitating against the Bill.

Are the three Bills Communal ?

The eruption of violence even before the three Bills are made public shows that the protestors have not studied or read the three Bills between the lines. There is nothing communal or discriminatory provision in the three Bills.

What are the main reasons for the violent eruption ?

The main reasons for the mob violence in Churachandpur are `“

(a)Definition of `Manipur people `. According to the Manipur Peoples Protection Bill-2015, Manipur People is defined as ` Persons of Manipur whose names are found in the National Register of Citizens, 1951 or Census Report of 1951 or Village Directory of 1951 and their descendants, who have contributed collective social, social, cultural and economic life of Manipur. Considering the level of literacy in 1951, lack of communication facilities, lack of transport facilities, lack of record keeping facilities and skills and ignorance of the people, some of the indigenous people might face the risk of being identified as foreigner. This fear is genuine considering the standard of record keeping being in force in 1951.

(b) Cut off year 1951

The Manipur Peoples Protection Bill-2015 mentioned cut off year as 1951 based on National Register of Citizens, 1951 or Census Report of 1951 or Village Directory of 1951. This cut off date may hold good for the outside migrants from other states. But this creates a fear psychosis among the people considering the risk of being identified as foreigners. This cut off date may not be practicable and may be objected by His Excellency, the Governor of Manipur or His Excellency ,the President of India considering the Citizens act-1955 and the Indira -Mujib Treaty of 1972.

Under the Citizens Act-1955, Indian Citizenship is granted to any person born in India on or before 3rd December, 2004 if one of the parents is a citizen of India and the other is not an illegal migrant at the time of his/her birth.

Who is an Illegal immigrant ?

As per section 2(1)(b) of the Citizenship Act of 1955 an `illegal immigrant` are those people who enter into Indian Territory: `“

(a) without a valid passport or other travel documents and such other document or authority as may be prescribed by or under any law in that behalf; or

(b) with a valid passport or other travel documents and such other document or authority as may be prescribed by or under any law in that behalf but remains therein beyond the permitted period of time.

Dangerous consequences of large scale illegal migration entering Manipur

The Bangladeshis often come on pretext of visiting their relatives and then continue to live there forever. Political leaders include them in the voters list to help them in wining the election. For the last 25-30 years, the outside migrants are treated as vote banks .The They even help them in inhabiting them there and do nothing to stop further flow of illegal migrants. Sitting MLA of Jiribam, Minister Debendra is one of them, the villager of Jiribam said.

The large scale illegal migration from Bangladesh and Myanmar may lead to dangerous consequences for the people of Manipur as well as for the Nation. This is not democracy or secularism. Some of the dangerous consequences are (1) possibility of reducing the indigenous people of Manipur into a minority in their home State as happened in Andaman Nicobar, Tripura, Assam. The silent, armless and bloodless demographic invasion of Jiribam is turning the original population of Jiribam into minority. ( A Romenkumar Singh, IPS -retired) (2) increased security threat to the Nation and to the State (3) increased crimes (4) increased Drug Trafficking (3) increased human trafficking (4) increased spread of HIV/AIDS (5) increased threat to the identity, land, language, culture, traditions, employment, script, mineral resources of the indigenous people.

In 1998, the then Assam governor sent a secret report to the President informing that influx of illegal migrants from Bangladesh continued unabated into the state, perceptibly changing its demographic pattern and reducing the Assamese people to a minority in their own state. It had become a contributory factor for outbreak of insurgency in the state, he said. The same is applicable to Manipur.

Mr. Bikram Singh, Ex-Chief Of Army Staff, speaking at a seminar in New Delhi organised by a security think tank, said on 13 February, 2014 that the problem of illegal migration from Bangladesh has led to demographic changes in the northeast India. He said that illegal migration has also led to serious internal security challenges in the north East India. It can happen only in India, where vote-bank politics scores decisively over national interest and issues relating to India`s sovereignty.

The Governor of Assam, Lt. Gen. S.K. Sinha (Retired), ex- Deputy Chief of Army Staff , in a report dated 8th November, 1998 stated that there were many contributory factors facilitating infiltration from Bangladesh – “Ethnic, linguistic and religious commonality between the illegal migrants and many people on our side of the border enables them to find shelter. It makes their detection difficult. Some political parties have been encouraging and even helping illegal migration with a view to building vote banks. The immigrants are hardworking and are prepared to work as cheap labour and domestic help for lower remuneration than the local people. This makes them acceptable. Moreover, with corruption being all pervasive, corrupt officials are bribed to provide help.” (http://www.ukessays.com/essays/law/the-bangladeshi-infiltration-problem-and-international-refugee-laws-international-law-essay.php). Similar situation is happening in Manipur.

According to the Hon`™ble Supreme Court by a bench of 3 Judges in Sarabananda Sonowal v. Union of India (2005) 5 SCC 665 at paras.55, 56 and 60 `Illegal migrants from neighbouring country amounts to an aggression of a worst order` The Supreme Court reported in Assam Sanmilta Mahasangha v. Union of India, (2015) 3 SCC 1 `such an influx of foreigners is `EXTERNAL AGGRESSION` within the meaning of Article 355 of the constitution of India. The Supreme Court held that the foremost duty of the Central Government is to defend the borders of the country, prevent any trespass and make the life of the citizens safe and secure. The Government also has a duty to prevent any internal disturbance and maintain law and order

The Hon`™ble Supreme Court in the Sarbananda Sonowal

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/three-bills-on-ilp-aftermath-and-future-course-of-action/

Three Bills On ILP `“Aftermath And Future Course Of Action
By Dr. Khomdon Lisam

Manipur belongs to the Meiteis, Nagas, Kukis, Meitei Pangans. Without Meiteis, Nagas, Kukis , Meitei Pangans, we can not call it Manipur. The Nagas and Kukis have sacrificed their lives for protecting the sovereignty, independence, unity and integrity of Manipur. Chirai Naga alias Chirai Thangal of Mayangkhang aged 30 years was hanged by the British on 13th Oct. 1891 inside the jail for killing and cutting off the head of a British Telegraph officer, W.B. Melville. He died for protecting the sovereignty of Manipur. Niranjan Subadar, son of Daria Singh Chetri aged 39 years of village Tikuamoh joined the native force of Manipur and later appointed as Subadar by the Tikendrajit Jubraj after leaving the regular British Army of the 34th Native Infantry. He was hanged by the neck for assisting the Manipuris against the British. on 8th June, 1891. He died for his country. Chowkami Naga of Mayangkhang and Gowho Naga of Mayangkhang were sentenced to transportation for life by the British to Andamans and Nicobar
Islands (Kalapani) on 7th March, 1892 on the charge of (1) Murder of Signaller O`™Brien and (2) Abetment of murder of Mr.Melville ( vide Administration Report of the Political Agency , Manipur for 1906-1907 ) (Vide Secretary to the Chief Commissioner`™s letter No. 1822 dated 23rd April, 1892).

The main worry of the Manipuris is the unabated influx of outside migrants from other states of India for the last 65 years with the risk of reducing the Manipuris into minority or even extinct as happened in Andaman & Nicobar Islands, Tripura and some districts of Assam. Now the outside migrants is dominating the markets. They have purchased lands in many parts of Manipur valley. The married local girls to claim their rights to land properties. Many of the outside migrants have become crorepatis after arrival in Manipur. The risk will be greater with the arrival of Railways and implementation of Look East or Act East Policy. That is why the Manipur State Assembly passed the three Bills.

Many people say that the business class of outside migrants in Manipur are secretly financing and instigating the tribal to ignite an uprising against the Meiteis to stall the implementation of the three Bills. We should not allow ourselves to be trapped at the hands of the outside migrants.

Is the Meiteis communal as charged by the hill people ?

The Meiteis once lived in the hills and migrated to the valley in search of better prospects. Why the hill people of Manipur blamed the Meiteis as communal on every issue. Why the hill people take it as a matter of honour, pride, popularity and prestige to carry out Anti-Meitei activities and slogans `“that too by sitting at Imphal. Is there anything wrong with the Meiteis mind set. The conflict between the Meiteis and Hill people started when the Meiteis became partial Hindus in 1732 under King Garib Niwaz (1709-48) and when the hill people became partial Christians with gradual conversion to Christianity with the arrival of William Pettigrew in February, 1894 although we claim to be pure Hindus and pure Christians. Further, with the merger of Manipur to India on October 15, 1949 AD and with the adoption of the Indian constitution on 26 January, 1950, the Government of India inserted a highly discriminatory article 370C in the Indian Constitution without consulting the Manipur Government to keep us divided and to keep Manipur on the boil all the time. Let us see some of the facts :-

There are more than 150,000 Kabuis, Tangkhuls, Maring, Aimol Chiru, Thadou, Paite, Hmar, Chothe, Vaiphei, Zou Gangte, Kom, Monsang, .Moyon, Poumai, Purum etc. settled in the valley with pattas of their homestead land under the Manipur Land Revenue & Land Reforms Act-1960. The valley land once purchased by a tribal can not be sold to a Metei without the approval of the deputy commissioner under the Act. But the Meities can not buy land in the hills. The Meiteis never complained about the discriminatory provision of the land law passed by the Indian Parliament. They never complained even if some tribal encroached over the valley land for constructing illegal buildigs, churches without patta. The Meiteis never complained even if some Imphal-based tribal leaders talk of redrawing the map of Manipur for greater Nagaland or Kuki homeland-that too by sitting at Imphal. The Meiteis never complained even if more than 200 Trucks and Buses are looted of Rs, 3000 to 5000 from every vehicle everyday by the NSCN-IM under the nose of Indian Army or state police. The Meiteis never retaliated against frequent killing of poor Meitei drivers along the national highways and talented Meitei Officers. Is it due to stupidity or timidity on the part of the Meiteis ? No hill leader got elected if he does not talk of anti-Meitei activities and chant anti-Meitei slogans. After getting elected, the first thing they do is to buy land and construct palatial buildings in the valley. The tribal MLAs and Bureaucrats sell off the materials earmarked for hills and siphoned off funds earmarked for hills, buy costly cars and blamed the Meiteis for underdevelopment of hills. The Hill MLAs did not raise any voice while the three Bills were passed on 31 July, 2015. For the last 65 years, the Meiteis has been indulging in appeasement policies of the hill brothers because of common origin and blood relations between Meiteis and hill people. That is the duty of the Meiteis as a major community to sacrifice their interest for the sake of unity and solidarity between Meiteis and hill people. This should not be interpreted as cowardice, stupidity or communalism on the part of Meiteis.

One thing Meiteis may learn from our hill brothers and sisters is their unity and solidarity for a common cause. The intellectual groups of Meiteis remain silent on important state issues. They do not understand that their silence is damaging the future of their sons and daughters and the destiny of the state. What kind of future we will hand over to our children for peace, unity and development of Manipur is a big question. We can not see or identify any issue to fight for and to die for. We live for nothing and die for nothing. We should choose between live for nothing or die for something.

What is wrong with the three Bills ?

On 31 August, 2015, the Manipur State Legislative Assembly has passed three bills to protect indigenous people of Manipur -(1) the Manipur Peoples Protection Bill-2015 (2) the Manipur Land Revenue & Land Reforms (Seventh Amendment) Bill 2015 (3) the Manipur Shops & Establishment (Second Amendment Bill -2015. On the same day at about 6 pm before knowing the details of the Bill, a mob in Churachandpur erupted into violence ransacking and setting fire on the houses of Shri Phungzathang Tonsing , Hon`™ble Health Minister, Shri Vungzagin Valte, Hon`™ble MLA of Thanlon Constituency. The mob also attacked the residences of Ginsuanhau, Hon`™ble MLA of Singhat, shri Manga Vaiphei , Hon`™ble MLA of Henglep constituency. Mr. Lunminthang Haokip, Deputy Commissioner imposed CrPC-144 with effect from 7 pm of the same day to control the mob. Till date eight lives have been lost and many are injured due to police firing. The people have declared the eight victims as Martyrs on 4th September, 2015. The indiscriminate police firing leading to death of eight people should be condemned in the strongest terms and the Government should conduct an enquiry and compensate the loss.

The three Bills were passed with the objectives of protection of indigenous people of Manipur including hill people. While the Manipur Peoples Protection Bill-2015 has some flaws, there is nothing wrong with the other two Bills.

Clarification of the Hill Areas Committee, Manipur

Dr. Chalton Lien Amo, Hon`™ble Chairman of Hill Areas Committee, Manipur declared on 1 August, 2015 that the three Bills passed by the Manipur State Assembly do not contain anything which may impinge upon the interest of the tribal people and the violent reactions which erupted was the result of misunderstanding . ( Sangai Express dated 2-8-2015)

Clarification by the State Government

Shri Gaikhangam, Hon`™ble Deputy Chief Minister, Manipur clarified on 2nd August, 2015 that the Bills are meant to protect the indigenous people and not against any community. People should read. study and analyze the three Bills before agitating against the Bill.

Are the three Bills Communal ?

The eruption of violence even before the three Bills are made public shows that the protestors have not studied or read the three Bills between the lines. There is nothing communal or discriminatory provision in the three Bills.

What are the main reasons for the violent eruption ?

The main reasons for the mob violence in Churachandpur are `“

(a)Definition of `Manipur people `. According to the Manipur Peoples Protection Bill-2015, Manipur People is defined as ` Persons of Manipur whose names are found in the National Register of Citizens, 1951 or Census Report of 1951 or Village Directory of 1951 and their descendants, who have contributed collective social, social, cultural and economic life of Manipur. Considering the level of literacy in 1951, lack of communication facilities, lack of transport facilities, lack of record keeping facilities and skills and ignorance of the people, some of the indigenous people might face the risk of being identified as foreigner. This fear is genuine considering the standard of record keeping being in force in 1951.

(b) Cut off year 1951

The Manipur Peoples Protection Bill-2015 mentioned cut off year as 1951 based on National Register of Citizens, 1951 or Census Report of 1951 or Village Directory of 1951. This cut off date may hold good for the outside migrants from other states. But this creates a fear psychosis among the people considering the risk of being identified as foreigners. This cut off date may not be practicable and may be objected by His Excellency, the Governor of Manipur or His Excellency ,the President of India considering the Citizens act-1955 and the Indira -Mujib Treaty of 1972.

Under the Citizens Act-1955, Indian Citizenship is granted to any person born in India on or before 3rd December, 2004 if one of the parents is a citizen of India and the other is not an illegal migrant at the time of his/her birth.

Who is an Illegal immigrant ?

As per section 2(1)(b) of the Citizenship Act of 1955 an `illegal immigrant` are those people who enter into Indian Territory: `“

(a) without a valid passport or other travel documents and such other document or authority as may be prescribed by or under any law in that behalf; or

(b) with a valid passport or other travel documents and such other document or authority as may be prescribed by or under any law in that behalf but remains therein beyond the permitted period of time.

Dangerous consequences of large scale illegal migration entering Manipur

The Bangladeshis often come on pretext of visiting their relatives and then continue to live there forever. Political leaders include them in the voters list to help them in wining the election. For the last 25-30 years, the outside migrants are treated as vote banks .The They even help them in inhabiting them there and do nothing to stop further flow of illegal migrants. Sitting MLA of Jiribam, Minister Debendra is one of them, the villager of Jiribam said.

The large scale illegal migration from Bangladesh and Myanmar may lead to dangerous consequences for the people of Manipur as well as for the Nation. This is not democracy or secularism. Some of the dangerous consequences are (1) possibility of reducing the indigenous people of Manipur into a minority in their home State as happened in Andaman Nicobar, Tripura, Assam. The silent, armless and bloodless demographic invasion of Jiribam is turning the original population of Jiribam into minority. ( A Romenkumar Singh, IPS -retired) (2) increased security threat to the Nation and to the State (3) increased crimes (4) increased Drug Trafficking (3) increased human trafficking (4) increased spread of HIV/AIDS (5) increased threat to the identity, land, language, culture, traditions, employment, script, mineral resources of the indigenous people.

In 1998, the then Assam governor sent a secret report to the President informing that influx of illegal migrants from Bangladesh continued unabated into the state, perceptibly changing its demographic pattern and reducing the Assamese people to a minority in their own state. It had become a contributory factor for outbreak of insurgency in the state, he said. The same is applicable to Manipur.

Mr. Bikram Singh, Ex-Chief Of Army Staff, speaking at a seminar in New Delhi organised by a security think tank, said on 13 February, 2014 that the problem of illegal migration from Bangladesh has led to demographic changes in the northeast India. He said that illegal migration has also led to serious internal security challenges in the north East India. It can happen only in India, where vote-bank politics scores decisively over national interest and issues relating to India`s sovereignty.

The Governor of Assam, Lt. Gen. S.K. Sinha (Retired), ex- Deputy Chief of Army Staff , in a report dated 8th November, 1998 stated that there were many contributory factors facilitating infiltration from Bangladesh – “Ethnic, linguistic and religious commonality between the illegal migrants and many people on our side of the border enables them to find shelter. It makes their detection difficult. Some political parties have been encouraging and even helping illegal migration with a view to building vote banks. The immigrants are hardworking and are prepared to work as cheap labour and domestic help for lower remuneration than the local people. This makes them acceptable. Moreover, with corruption being all pervasive, corrupt officials are bribed to provide help.” (http://www.ukessays.com/essays/law/the-bangladeshi-infiltration-problem-and-international-refugee-laws-international-law-essay.php). Similar situation is happening in Manipur.

According to the Hon`™ble Supreme Court by a bench of 3 Judges in Sarabananda Sonowal v. Union of India (2005) 5 SCC 665 at paras.55, 56 and 60 `Illegal migrants from neighbouring country amounts to an aggression of a worst order` The Supreme Court reported in Assam Sanmilta Mahasangha v. Union of India, (2015) 3 SCC 1 `such an influx of foreigners is `EXTERNAL AGGRESSION` within the meaning of Article 355 of the constitution of India. The Supreme Court held that the foremost duty of the Central Government is to defend the borders of the country, prevent any trespass and make the life of the citizens safe and secure. The Government also has a duty to prevent any internal disturbance and maintain law and order

The Hon`™ble Supreme Court in the Sarbananda Sonowal

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/three-bills-on-ilp-aftermath-and-future-course-of-action/

By Anil Bhat

Operation Gibraltar was Pakistan army`™s grandiose plan to take over Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), in 1965. Pakistan`™s first tin-pot dictator president self-promoted Field Marshal Ayub Khan had been convinced by the then foreign minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, that the Indian response to Pakistan`™s incursions in `Indian` Kashmir would not be across the international boundary and would be confined to Kashmir. The other delusions that Pak army suffered from were that Kashmiri people would welcome them with open arms and that the Indian Army of `Hindus` having lost against the Chinese in 1962, was rather weak.

However, as a retaliation to Pakistan`™s Op Gibraltar launched in mid 1965 with an aim to occupy J&K, Indian Army decided to capture the strategic Hajipir Pass, which served as a vital link between saboteurs operating in Poonch and their bases in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (POK). The pass was dominated by three hill features – Bedori, Lediwali Gali and Sank. Capturing these features was essential for the capture of Hajipir.

19 Infantry Division alongwith 68 Infantry Brigade launched a pincer movement (two sides of simultaneous troop movement closing together behind enemy forward positions) to annihilate the enemy.

Operation Bakshi, the Northern pincer, consisted of 1 PARA advancing from Uri to Sank and further to Lediwali Gali in order to reach Hajipir Pass. 19 Punjab was to take the Bedori approach to the pass.

Operation Faulad, the southern pincer, was to be undertaken by 93 Infantry Brigade of 25 Infantry Division. It was essential to capture these intermittent features to open the axis to Hajipir Pass.

The task was daunting, as even while being under heavy enemy fire with constant threat to life, Indian Army soldiers had to climb very steep mountains devoid of any vegetation and affording very little space to even stand. The assault carried out in pitch darkness, was made worse by the non-stop rain, accompanying slush and slippery rocks. At times the men were forced to move on all four limbs. Undaunted, they advanced and the crucial pass was captured by 28 August 1965 and consolidation, by capturing nearby areas, was completed by 30 August 1965.

Major Ranjit Singh Dayal of 1 PARA led his men very boldly and ingeniously during the operation of reducing the vital feature of Sank, which ultimately paved the way for the capture of Hajipir Pass,. In the final assault on the Pass, Dayal advanced from an unexpected direction catching the enemy completely by surprise. He was awarded the Maha Vir Chakra for displaying outstanding courage and leadership.

Maj Gen SS Kallan, GOC 19 Infantry Division, who contributed significantly by his professional acumen, flawless planning and leading the men from the front disregarding his personal safety, was also awarded the Maha Vir Chakra.

The helicopter sorties by the Indian Air Force Task Force based in Srinagar had a huge psychological impact on the infiltrators. The invaluable support provided by the helicopters for the much needed administrative backup and evacuation of causalities also played a vital role in the victory.
Over three months after the cease fire between India and Pakistan, at the behest of United Soviet Socialist Republic (USSR), then Prime Minister of India Lal Bahadur Shastri and Pakistan`™s first dictator president, self-promoted Field Marshal Ayub Khan met at Tashkent for signing a declaration of peace. The third paragraph of the Tashkent Declaration between these two leaders read, `The Prime Minister of India and the President of Pakistan have agreed that all armed personnel of the two countries shall be withdrawn not later than 25 February, 1966 to the positions they held prior to 5 August, 1965, and both sides shall observe the cease-fire terms on the cease-fire line`. And so, Haji Pir went back to Pakistan.

The Tashkent declaration was signed during the meeting that began at `16 o`™clock`(4 p.m.), 10 January 1966. Some hours later, Mr. Shastri died. According to an article written by Anton Vereshchagin, specially for Russia India Report on 2 October 2013, to mark the 109th birth anniversary of Lal Bahadur Shastri, `Lalita, the wife of Shastri, pointing to strange bluish marks on his body and claiming that he never had any heart problems in the past, said that her husband was indeed poisoned.` Vereshchagin further wrote, `However, much of this story remains unclear. Why wasn`t an autopsy performed on the body of the Prime Minister? Why are the Indian authorities afraid to publish the details of his death? Why did Shastri`s son Sunil stubbornly refuse to believe that his father died of a heart attack? Whether we learn the answers to these questions, only time will tell`¦` If indeed Mr. Shastri did die of a heart attack-reported to be his fourth-then quite obviously returning all the gains made by India in the 196
5 war by sheer valour and sacrifices of Indian Army, must have disturbed him enough to trigger a heart attack.It may be recalled that Mr. Shastri was the leader , who held high enough regard for India`™s Armed Forces to visit them often during his short tenure as Prime Minister and coin the popular phrase Jai Jawan Jai Kisan.

Haji Pir was the most militarily vital of India`™s gains of the second war perpetrated by Pakistan. And none of the clauses of the Tashkent Declaration for peace between the two countries has been adhered to by Pakistan, because in 1971 it waged the third war against India and since then it has been waging till date, the fourth war against India by means of export of terror, subterfuge, propaganda and often outright lies.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/hajipir-captured-by-indian-army-and-returned-at-tashkent/