What Is Wrong With The AFSPA?


by Yogendra Bali On September 11, the Armed Forces Special Power Act, enacted this day… more »


by Yogendra Bali

On September 11, the Armed Forces Special Power Act, enacted this day by the Indian Parliament in 1958, completed 52 years of its existence. The Act, served the civil administrations in Jammu and Kashmir and the North East effectively in combating cross-border terrorism. However, it has in, recent times, become target of criticism. Demands for its withdrawal have been raised, specially from Jammu and Kashmir in the North and Manipur in the East. Are these demands justified? Or are they the product of some ignorance and confusion about the word “Power” which is part of its formal nomenclature?

In order to be impartial between sense and nonsense, it is necessary to understand that the Armed Forces Special Power Act, gives no police powers to Army. The Army cannot enforce its presence in any state for internal security purposes on its own without the civil government concerned declaring a particular area in its jurisdiction as ‘disturbed area’ and ‘requesting’ the Army to come to its aid.

The critics, however, have never lost any opportunity to indulge in Army bashing on issues of “high handedness” and “violation of human rights”. Of course such criticism is countered by others as “politically motivated” and “voice of the vested interests”. They point out that wherever the Indian Army has gone, it has taken the welfare of the local people as its first priority also, using “heart as a weapon” and Sadbhavna or goodwill as the spirit. They point out to the surrender of several militant groups in the North East and the popular Kashmir Premier League Chinar Cup project as outstanding examples. They also underline the Indian Army contribution to UN peacekeeping missions in several parts of the world.

Demands for repeal or amendment of AFSPA specially come from areas infested by separatism combined with militancy that seldom talk of senseless killing and continuous “violation of Human Rights” by terrorists and militants. If a bomb blast outside the Delhi High Court kills several innocent litigants and lawyers or innocent citizens lose their lives in Mumbai blast, no voice is heard condemning the known and unknown killers of violating human right to live. Why?

The antagonists of AFSPA are ever active and widely reported in the media. It would be fair to listen to the protagonists too.

The case of the protagonists is that The Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) was enacted in 1958 to provide necessary powers and legal support and protection to the Armed `Forces for carrying out proactive operations against the insurgents in a highly hostile environment.

Since then the Armed Forces have been able to effectively contain insurgency and establish stability in different region.

With the ongoing insurgency in North East, the AFSPA-1958 is currently applicable in the States of Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Tripura and Arunachal Pradesh. Subsequently the Parliament enacted the Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir) Special Powers Act 1990 for the State of Jammu & Kashmir which came into effect from 5 July 1990. Initially the Government had declared areas falling within 20 km of LC in districts of Rajouri and Poonch and the districts of Anantnag, Baramulla, Budgam, Kupwara, Pulwama and Srinagar as disturbed.

Subsequently in Aug 2001 the AFSPA was extended to districts of Jammu, Kathua, Udhampur, Poonch, Rajouri and Doda when these were declared disturbed.

An analysis of ground realities vis-a-vis situation in early 1950`s makes it evident that the fighting capability of insurgents and militants in the North East and Jammu & Kashmir have considerably improved over the years. They possess sophisticated weapons, modern communication equipment and have moral and financial support from across the borders. Many groups even have, women cadres. Areas close to the International Border and Line of Control witness trans-border move of militants from their camps and hideouts in neighboring countries.

Armed Forces have to operate in varied terrain environment such as thick forests in far flung areas and also in the built up areas ranging from small hutments and villages to towns and cities where the insurgents have established their training camps and support bases. “Hence, the troops have to operate in a hostile terrain and population environment exposing themselves to grave dangers demanding very high degree of operational effectiveness. At the same time the Armed Forces are required to be extremely cautious in avoiding any collateral damage and loss of innocent life or property. Thus the Armed Forces are under pressure and have to exhibit extreme caution in conducting operations in populated areas. Any violation or perceived violation attracts media attention and that of the factions with vested interest. On most occasions, the allegations are false and fabricated. Operating under such environment requires a protective law which is not overarching as it is perceived to be.

The essence of the important Sections of AFSPA is as under :­

(a) Sec 3. lays down the authority which has power to declare areas to be disturbed. These authorities are the Central Govt and the State Govts.

(b) Sec 4. gives the Army powers to search premises and. Make arrests without warrants, to use force even to the extent of causing death, destroy arms/amn dumps, fortifications, Shelters and hideouts and to stop, search and seize any vehs.

(c) Sec 6. stipulates that arrested persons and seized property is to be made over to the police with least possible delay.

(d) Sec 7. offers protection of persons acting in good faith in their official capacity. Prosecution is permitted only after sanction of the Central Govt.

The mere fact that the provisions of AFSPA have to be invoked with regard to a particular area ex facie establishes that the law and order situation in the said area had degenerated to such an extent that the State Govt with the aid of Police power at its disposal was unable to maintain peace and tranquility. A natural corollary to the above would be that if the Armed Forces, who are called upon to assist the State administration in restoring normalcy, have to succeed in their task, they enjoy at least the similar powers as the Police force if not wider ones. A perusal of the various powers available to the Police authorities under the provisions of the CrPC vis-a-vis those available to Armed Forces under AFSPA would reveal that the police authorities still enjoy more encompassing and wider powers relating to arrest, search, seizure, summoning of witnesses, preventive detention etc than the powers enjoyed by the Armed Forces.

One of the most important task in promoting, human progress is to maintain a proper balance between the interest of the individual and those of the democratic society. Individual freedom has to be balanced with the freedom of other individuals and with reasonable demands of the community and general public. It is the duty of the State to harmonize the rights of the individual on one hand and with the requirement of the community on the other. The Central Government vide Art 355 of the Constitution of India is duty bound to protect every State not only against the external aggression but also internal disturbances and to ensure that the governance of every State is carried out in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution of India.

It is also an established fact that the judiciary is the custodian of the Constitution. An independent judicial system performs better than any other agency to maintain prefect equilibrium between the liberty of the individual and the powers of the State. It is in this light, it is emphasized that the Hon`ble Supreme Court of India has upheld the constitutional validity of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. The court further observed that the instructions issued by the military authorities in the form of `DO`s` and DON`Ts` while acting under the  AFSPA are to be treated as binding instructions which are required to be followed by the members of, the Armed Forces. Then is unwanted criticism of AFSPA contempt of court.

Then what is wrong with AFSPA? The word “Power”? Then why not rename the Act, the Armed Forces Special Services Act.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/09/what-is-wrong-with-the-afspa/

Child Trafficking in Manipur: Push Factors


by Athokpam Chinglemba Push factors are the general reasons why many victims want to leave… more »


by Athokpam Chinglemba
Push factors are the general reasons why many victims want to leave their home country or state. These factors are the conditions or the socio-political environment where the children can be trapped easily by the traffickers.

The major cause of child trafficking in Manipur is non-functional of government schools. Until and unless the government schools are functional the crime of child trafficking cannot be eased.

In cases of child trafficking in Manipur, most of the victims were from the hill districts. There is a reason why the people from hill districts have suffered mostly from trafficking. The major cause or factor for the crime is non-functional of government schools. In the hills, as we all know that substitute teachers are running schools. The actual teachers share a part of their salary with the substitute teachers; subsequently the school is running under the supervision of those substitutes. On the other hand, some schools remain totally defunct even though there are many teachers. Let me share a vivid example of the situation in a village called Koso in Phungyar sub division of Ukhrul District which I have visited on January 30, 2010. There were 85 families in the village. There is only one LP school which is run by ADC. The school has a big building—inside the building there was a single desk, on the ground full of dust, stocked some bunches of thatch at a corner. No teacher was coming to impart education to the children of the village even though there were three teachers assigned for the school. This is why the children of the village have to flee from the village for education.

The parents prefer good education or simply education for their children. The only alternative is to send their wards to private schools at a nearby town or somewhere else.

The people in the remote hill areas are normally poor. They live on traditional economic systems, such as Zhum cultivation or traditional agriculture. The income earned from such ways does not suffice for the extra expenses for their children to send at a private school at a preferred town. Meanwhile the schools at their villages are partially or fully non-functional. What shall be done by the parents for their children to get education?

Poverty is one of the reasons why children get pushed into trafficking. Poverty leads to deprivation of basic needs and hardship living conditions leading them to look for better options elsewhere. The greater the intensity of impoverishment, the higher is the risk of falling prey to trafficking.

Poverty of the parents turned their lives from bad to worse. By taking these opportunities, the traffickers come up to the parents and lured them that their wards would be provided free education in the outside of the state. Instantly the parents gave consent to the traffickers.

The ignorance of the parents about child trafficking is another push factor. The parents have trust the traffickers so that their wards were handed over to them.

In combating child trafficking, to erase these push factors is equally important with other preventive measures.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/09/child-trafficking-in-manipur-push-factors/

Sadar Hills Demand`”Winning Mantras!

by: – G.S.Oinam Since 1971, Sadar Hills Demand Committee respectfully beg something honestly for their… more »

by: – G.S.Oinam
Since 1971, Sadar Hills Demand Committee respectfully beg something honestly for their local people to the government and people of Manipur, however, preceding government does not  act honestly – had pass their  time, and the present government over 9 and half years does not attempt to move their ultimate demand earnestly. Giving something to Sadar hills people does not mean depriving Naga political solution and peace dialogue. However, Government intension is unclear and remained in confused state of mind. Freedom is not given easily—it is taken by force or defeating; it requires many attempt consistently, patience, determination etc. Win or defeat is the two face of one coin. Is your courage lost after your father falls in the battle field, asked in the American War of Independence? Spontaneous outcry of Sadar hills and Jiribam is the cumulative effect of failed promises made by the government from time to time and mishandling of the situations. Honestly, our people are not getting real freedom. We must fight for it!

History is for reference; we can learn our mistakes and achievements from history. If you are crazy, frenzy and psyche of land based on historical background, I said go back to China, Myanmar, and Thailand –your ancestral origin. Civilization of the past was very little. Our forefathers were nomad–roam from one place to another in search of food; finally learn skills of agriculture and settlement, chieftains’ system existence and finally kingdom and now, democracy after prolong British colonial rules.

This is the time to know the difference between power of tolerance and power to face the challenges. We face challenges to free ourselves from exploitation and abuses but we tolerate all pains to achieve our goal. We feel pain when some objects hurt physically and emotionally. Somebody may win you physically but nobody can win your emotion. It is your emotion that makes you defeat yourself. Self esteem, motivation, determination and courage can overcome your emotional weakness.

Why and when child cry? Simply to give attention when s/he feels uncomfortable, pain, hunger etc. Bad parenting makes a child naughty and cries habitually. In such a manner, civil society launches strike and band/ blockade to give attention when government give less attention.

We hope, Sadar hills/ Jiribam people must knowing where and when to stop road blockade—you can’t remained anger and hijack national highway all the time. I will ask you to break your fasting and road blockade—suffering of people is beyond limit and you will need other people help. Honestly, I feel pain to see your fasting ladies in newspapers. And the time has come to change your game plan—i.e. advocacy, media promotion campaign, public debate, discussion, negotiation and interaction etc. You must be preparing fully for coming struggle and my tough questions; perhaps, I may not be the one to ask you tough questions but somebody (Naga brothers) will ask you very tough questions. Wish you all the best.  Please accept it, Sadar Hills people have won one battle, government is defeated; further you have to fight for more tough two battles before bifurcation and up gradation of district.

Formation of Committee on Reorganisation of Administrative and Police District Boundaries is winning battle of Sadar hills people. Now, you have to face the administrative and police district boundaries reorganisation committee/ questions of Naga brothers and finally battle of assembly resolution and complete bifurcation drama. Anna Hazari won the half battle on Jana Lok Pal bill movement because team Anna’s concept and philosophy is very clear. Research work, promotion, strategy, communication, management, mobilization, determination, team combination and team work, financial support etc etc, are outstanding. I was looking every step of team ANNA movement. I am not a member of team ANNA but I like team ANNA. Today, Anna gives you a hope— Lok Ayukta  in state (similar to Lok Pal Bill at centre) to be implemented in every state of India beside citizen charter- to support public grievances while dealing with government offices. People will get information about the daily records of officials working and complain thereof. The idea of citizen charter was first propounded to me by late Sahib Singh Verma, former Chief Minister of Delhi and Union Minister of labour in NDA government. I met him personally many times in many occasions. He was trying his best to implement citizen charter in Delhi. But, after he was dead (road accident) his son was not given BJP ticket for election—million dollar questions remained unanswered to me.

It is true, District creation/ up gradation is a process; there is no short cut and magic formula to create a district. If somebody advice you a short cut formula, please don’t accept it. Believe it or open your rules book, short cut formula will never last and eventually will derail all the process of district creation.  Beside, one should not try to hurt others to please somebody; resolution shall be consensus. It requires a lot of dialogue, discussion, debate and advocacy to find out a consensus. Justice will be done finally and it is only matter of time-be patient; you have waited for over 40 years but why can’t some months? It requires official feasible reports which to be table on the floor of state assembly and finally budget is required for establishment, Chief Minister of Manipur said rightly to you. Officially, CM is not in position to declare Sadar hills as a district but congress party and any other political party can give assurance to the people as they did for Nagas. But nobody follow up further explanation of Chief Minister’s speech. These are the weakness of team SPF. Commonly, CM office must be surrounded by experts, scholars and well wishers. Here in Manipur, CM/ all ministers’ office are surrounded by percentage chamchagiri. I don’t know who the media advisor of CM is and who are handling situation in case of crisis?

Silence becomes a problem; it can’t be a solution. Wonderfully, powerful government have crunch of experts; nobody comes forward to help SPF team in critical situation of Manipur except UCM and some small organisations. Personally I have neither enemy nor friend of SPF. I agree with you; you have taught a good lession to SPF; government has damage severely- that’s enough. However, damaging government and public properties are not solution; anyway, we have protest enough- centre has given attention about Sadar hills.

If you are local politician want to play some small tricks— I warn you, stop punching to shadow. SPF government is dummy government of Dr. Manmohan Singh. That is why whenever you do verbal attack to O. Ibobi in Manipur, somebody will attack to Dr. Manmohan Singh in New Delhi. O. Ibobi Singh is the only CM does not face my tough questions in my time-empathy to him because I know how he had suffered during NDA period. Gaikhangam, Phungjathan were his closest team mate seeks advice from Dr. Manmohan when he was remained as MP (Rajya Sabha) for financial help from centre. By the way, his intimacy and attachment with Dr. Manmohan has developed. One of my Tamil friends called me one day- your state CM came to my boss residence for a cup of tea, he is very, very simple I never expected. Tamil Nadu CM will come to Delhi like Maharaja (national news) -50/60 Tamil Nadu securities will arrive as advance team before s/he arrives to Delhi. But today, O. Ibobi has changed. I talk to my clients that you will be faster taking appointment of PM than Manipur CM. One goodness of O. Ibobi is that he loves his loyalist very much. You can’t defeat him in the area he knows. One weakness is that he will not act immediately in the area he does not know; also, he has no time to learn new things. His strength is Dr. Manmohan Singh, among largest congress party fund raiser (Sanjoy Hajarika remark at Sunday Guardian) and his long service in congress working committee. His greatest threats are his MPs—most of the state MPs and ex-MPs are CM aspirants. His opportunity is new band of young candidates in the coming election.

May I advice the Sadar hills/ Jiribam district demand committee to look into administrative and police district boundaries reorganisation committee profile, methodology and objective carefully. So that past mistake in the time of Rishang keishing, W. Nipamach may not be repeated again (I don’t know what are the methodology they had used and if any political will they had to create district). Also, I don’t know exactly how many officials / state researchers have involved /well experience in action research study, therefore, methodology and time table of administrative and police district boundary reorganisation committee must be open to public so that we can see if any loop holes are found in the methodology. Committee must be strong, independent and well trained personals only. Action research and ordinary research for academic degree are very different in methodology and time frame work.

Administrative and police district boundaries reorganisation committee shall not work like an enquiry committee; if so, committee shall be better to chaired by retired judges—I wonder public hearing at the first instance; are you listening? Your Bare Babu is calling you at state secretariat office for your opinion on fact finding about district boundary bifurcation. Bare Babu must go to the field- meet the real villagers and listen their opinions first for primary data collection. Action shall be taken on the spot if the case was minor.

The basic approach likely to be adopted for this study would be a 360 degree analysis, advocacy, group discussion, action taken on spot, action to be taken, to be disposed of; and starting with assessment of the status of the present, past and new district boundary etc. So, the basic approach will be combination of the qualitative and quantitative research and giving due diligence to the various aspect of district up gradation. This would mean studying the forward and backward linkages between the stakeholders and the efficiency of the process adopted. Hence, it is proposed to collect relevant information/ data/ views both of secondary and primary from various stakeholders, to accomplish this district boundary reorganisation committee report successfully.

Integrated approach to the study requires—literature review, secondary data collection, primary data collection, tabulation and compilation, amalgamation/ superimposition, analysis and draft report preparation, conclusions, recommendations/ strategy and finalization of the report. It will requires minimum 7-8 months but say one year in case of Manipur (please do not accept 3 months time duration proposed by state government—committee reports will finally put into refrigerator because it is impossible to prepare a feasible report within 3 months except desk works and there are many complicated issues to be discuss, debate and finalise and it requires consensus both from different stakeholders and finally, election notification will faster and reports will keep with held—I  can bet because I was doing action research work)

Therefore, I suggest you again and again, don’t believe in short cut, you will face trouble—there is no short cut and magic formula for district creation and up gradation at the present situation. Your agitation will required more energy to store, exposure, mental balance of your supporters, relationship preferably more levis style of protest  may be expensive but necessary to bear and contribution from stake holders to success your mission and  your game plan of highway blockade batter to change— you will need support from other people. Please accept to my humble suggestion—forget for Manipur and India’s experts; even Mr Obama team will speak the same or less! Victory will be yours!

I disagree with Rishang keishing opinion in case of Jiribam (realising inconvenience of district administration)—existing boundary and population of Jiribam is enough for district up gradation in case Tamenglong people objected to integrate some part of hill. The best practises to insure the people Jiribam/ Sadar hills district is to create as a model district–neither hills nor plain district (look for future). Hopefully, Tamenglong people must be part of it. Of course, Districts of Nagaland are proportionate in size and population and convenience for district administration. I know the benefit of district creation and you are the real beneficiaries but it requires—consensus, dialogue, discussion and reconciliation.

Mahe is the smallest district in India. It has an area of 9 sq. km. Mahe is geographically located in the state of Kerala, where as administratively it comes under the control of Union Territory of Pondicherry.

Mahe has the official name of Mayyazhi in the local Malayalam language. Mahe has a population of about 36,000 according to the 2001 census. The population density of the town is 4091 per sq. km. Males constitute 47% of the population and females 53%. Mahe has an average literacy rate of 85%. Mahe has two members in the Pondicherry Legislative Assembly, representing Mahe and Palloor.

Nobody blew “Brahmastra” to weaken your government; government  itself weaken by differences in opinion among cabinet colleagues and congress party divided within— wait for party ticket offering drama for coming assembly election, you will see the real picture. By the blessing of Lord Brahma, I was able to know what is Brahmastra  mantra ( elite weapon/missile of mass destruction of Lord Brahma in Hindu Sastra) but, this powerful weapon should  never be remember, mention, conscious and not for use in war. This is the weapon for worshiping and decoration to show one’s might. The fact is, SPF government is infiltrated in Chakravyuh (warfare of guru Dronacharya) but don’t know where to exit. Unless government is trying honestly for a solution, government will remains at low level equilibrium. Still government does not know the big hole/gaps within, therefore, problems will come one after another and unfortunately, defence line is very weak.

Addiction have forgotten them how to speak ‘Hare Krishna’ or “Lord Jesus Christ” or “thank you” at their tongues. Say My Lord! Please forgive me, please save me; please bless me; God may kindly give you a small passage early to exit from the chakravyuh.

Interestingly, State has no opposition party at all-political situation is very confusing. MPP- MLA are seen in Congress party office; another MPP- MLA  speak in favour of ruling congress; NCP role is unknown —whether they are opposition or ruling party but the leader of opposition is NCP. When state face a critical situation all MLAs will remain silent –turn into mouse in many occasions. People have divided into three—my people (ruling congress workers) your people (opposition parties workers) and majority others (civil society groups like team ANNA). Surprisingly, government has forgotten the role of parenting people, instead, challenge to civil society, and finally, civil societies beat government.

Election commission has to amend certain rules for effective functioning of MLAs/MPs. Presently simple majority of vote make them declared elected and enjoy the privilege of being elected representatives. How many votes they get— may be 8000, 10,000 or 15,000 or 20,000 out of 40-50,000 voters. We are irritated to elected representatives’ bossism and their public relationship style. Our MLAs/MPs must get minimum 51% of the total voters to prove themselves majority voters representatives—defaulters must try to get trust vote within a year to get majority votes (51%) of their respective constituencies. Those unable to get majority vote shall not be eligible to withdraw Local Area Development Fund and other allowances of being MLAs/MPs. We hope Anna team will consider this proposal in their electoral reforms programme-“Rights to No Vote”. ( if the numbers of” no vote” listed in ballot paper become highest- election shall be re-poll)

Finally, There is no justice higher than equanimity; there is no friend like associate of holiness; no piety like compassion; no sin like violence; no pleasure like quietude; no pain like debt, no purifier like knowledge, no deity like god, no wicked like sinner. Each one of these is great in the respective field. The ids whose grandfather always told them that one day they will become President of USA and gave them the confidence from their early childhood actually went to become John F. Kennedy. At the same time, kids of an abusive family with constant negative reinforcements went on to become Lee Oswald, the man who murdered John F. Kennedy. What I am trying to say is that we are the one who will decide if tomorrow’s world will be a happy world or a sad world. Future is what we made for them today!!

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Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/09/sadar-hills-demandwinning-mantras/

Kuki Black Day: September 13

By Thenkhogin Haokip “By the rivers of our life, yea, we sat and we wept, when we remember 13th September.” Thousands of years ago, the Israelites’ had sat by the… Read more »

By Thenkhogin Haokip
“By the rivers of our life, yea, we sat and we wept, when we remember 13th September.”

Thousands of years ago, the Israelites’ had sat by the rivers of Babylon, weeping for their  lost freedom, family members and country. They had been driven to a very strange situation by their enemies. Those were the time, when the beautiful ideas of liberty, fraternity, democracy  and most of all, Human Rights were not yet born or at least materialized.

In the 21st Century CE, a similar song had to be sung mournfully every 13th September by a  nation, very insignificant in the eyes of the biggest and largest democracy. These singers had to compose this deep sentimental composition not because of the Chaldeans or the Babylonians, but because of those who spearheaded the “Nagalim for Christ,” at the century decade of receiving Christ’s message of love. Would Christ’s love butchered-off the heads of innocent man, women and children without the slightest sense of pity? Will the pioneers in receiving Christ’s love spearhead the murder of 1000 innocent Christian lives? It is in fact, the devil in sheep’s clothing.

In the years 1990’s the NSCN (IM) had done which the devil himself would hesitate to do, without a moment of hesitation, torturing, butchering, raping and disfiguring to the extreme, thousands of helpless, defenseless people, burning-off villages, imprinting in the surviving hearts such impression which no amount of detergent could wash-off anymore. The people who proudly claimed to be the first to receive the Gospel in Manipur had carried out the devils gospel upon the unprepared helpless Kukis. A century of the Gospel of Christ had taught them to hate, kill and butcher mercilessly, which the writer as a Christian never did come across as a commandment from God to do likewise. Instead, the scripture says “Love your enemies as yourself.”

The then governments both the State as well as the Centre turns blind eye to these historical massacre. When the helpless people had to wipe-off their tears and stood-up to fight back, then the government armies intervened. The murderers were always backed by the government agents in killing the Kukis.

The Manipur Kacha-Naga’s are not real Christians as long as they shared the same cup with the devil-NSCN (I-M). Believed me, the naked Tangkhuls had been properly clothed by Christianity, but now their cloths are torn. They thought they would change their cloths after the commit such grievous sin. But they cannot change history. Uprooting, molesting, killing innocent people, is that what Christ stands for?

Why September 13?
During the NSCN (I-M) campaign for ethnic cleansing in the hills of Manipur, many innocent Kuki lives had been lost, starting from 1950’s, highly aggravated during 1992-93. Quit Notices were served to Kuki people living peacefully in their villages in all parts of Manipur. The Kukis vacated many of their villages. A Quite Notice was also served to the Kuki people in Zoupi Village, Tamenglong District of Manipur. A deadline was fixed for them before which they had to vacate their village. Thus, the Kuki people unwilling to resist the dictates of the devilish NSCN (I-M) vacated the village before the deadline and move away from the village as a caravan toward Taphou. However, the devils intercepted them on the way, stop them, separated all the man, tight their hands at the back, blindfolded them and started butchering-off their heads (not wanting to spent bullets on them) killing 88 helpless, defenseless man at the spot in broad day light in the sight of their women and children. Another incident on the same day, at Gelnel Village in Sadar Hills District, 13 helpless Kukis were brutally murdered, 4 persons at Santing Village and yet another 3 at Nungthut Village (Tamenglong District). All together the death toll of the day reached 108 on 13th September 1993.

The world turned dark with helplessness and pain for the Kukis with no one to help, even as the state government at the time was in the hands of a Naga Chief Minister Shri Rishang Keishing (May he live long) who was the strength and source of the devilish NSCN (I-M). The Government still supports and protects Th. Muivah and his NSCN (I-M) just like what the Americans had done decades ago to Osama bin Laden and his Al-Quada. The Kukis lost more than 900 lives in the hands of the NSCN (I-M). Thus, the Kukis decided to bemoan the death of all their kinsman, women and children on 13th September every year. A decade has passed; nothing is done to the criminals. They (NSCN-IM) neither admits their crime and make amends nor say sorry to their Christian Brothers (Kukis), for which this Black Day is observed still today.
Author is a Research Scholar, Assam University, Silchar.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/09/kuki-black-day-september-13/

Nagas Stance On Sadar Hills : A Christianity Perspectives

By Songthu Raymond Chongloi When Sadar Hills districthood issue begins to catch th e headlines of some regional dailies I felt the need of understanding some of my Naga colleagues… Read more »

By Songthu Raymond Chongloi
When Sadar Hills districthood issue begins to catch th e headlines of some regional dailies I felt the need of understanding some of my Naga colleagues mindsets on the deadlock. The reason : several Naga organisation came in chorus warning another communal flare up in the state; like the one witnessed some two decades ago.

So, without disclosing my identity in detail I approach a Naga student leader if I am new to the issue. Before going deeper on the topic we briefly chatted. In the meantime I came to know that he was an active member of the church during his stay in Imphal, and did not hide being consulted often on every subject of the Nagas there in Manipur.

Then we proceeded. He spoke a lot about the Nagas love for independence,the rich cultural and traditional heritage,the extend of territories ,the historical records. etc.etc. which I find more to do with the Angamis ,Semas ,Lothas and Konyaks. On being enquired anything worth mentioning about the Manipur Nagas contribution towards the  movement,he begins with the breakup of the NSCN in the 1980s,and keep on glorifying every action taken up by Sir Th Muivah. He continued,and blame the the Indian government for the Nagas ethnic cleansing drive on the Kukis in 1993.He also fired several accusations against the intelligence agencies for fueling the war. At some point of the interaction he was almost willing to admit that the government agencies collude with the Naga outfits.

Taking advantage of his statement I went deeper referring to the involvement of intelligent agencies in 1993 clash; the license issuance of about 600 single barrel guns by the then Deputy Commissioner of Ukhrul just before the outbreak of the clash,the accusation made against Chief Minister, Shri Rishang Keishing, as on the governor`s report that time,and some more. Interestingly as expected, he strongly disapproved .Instead he blamed the media for maligning the image of the Nagas. Then without a pause, he jumped over to  the Sadar Hills issue which I too find more worthy to be discussed than the bygone years. As in the case of the war,he put a heavy load on the media. Also criticize the state government attitude against the Nagas. He continued,”there are nine districts in Manipur of which five are hill districts ,and the remaining four districs are dominated by the Meiteis. Out of the five hill districts one belongs to the Kukis and the other four belongs to the Nagas. This is not a propaganda but fact. If you need datas its with me,”he assures.

While he was totally lost on the topic I calmly opened my bag;took out a map of Manipur indicating the proposed map of Greater Nagaland, and showed to him with a wink on my eyes. With that he exclaimed:` that’s our long cherished dream…., “he took the map and have a surprise look on it.

And next –a map of Manipur indicating Senapati district and Sadar Hills in different shades. I showed at him. As expected his mood totally change all of a sudden. He was so disappointed, yet  maintains his calm. “From where did you get that,” is his query on the map to me. He continued,”we believe in respecting others sentiment. So people ought to respect ours . In the event of declaration  of Sadar Hills as a full fledge revenue district without Nagas consent …bloodshed is inevitable. All to be borne by the state government there. This is all we need to understand.,”he warned.

Now I put some of my queries and his replies:

Query:If Sadar Hills has been include d in the proposed map of Greater Nagaland, it could still be a Naga district even if it is declared a full fledged district?Am I right?

Reply:Not so. Sadar Hills , off course ,is dominated by the Kukis . I don’t think  people favour merging  it with the proposed Nagaland. The Kukis have been in the forefront opposing the Nagas movement now and then. For your knowledge Sadar Hills has been much apart of our ancestral land. This is a fact.

Query: Respecting other sentiment is one that Nagas believe. So if the Nagas continue this hell-bend attitude over the district hood status, would not it amount to  disrespecting ones right ,especially the Kukis?

Reply: No. Respecting others right in no way mean giving away our land to somebody. We have the right to protect our land. We must not be divide by inimical forces.

Query: Then how far would you agree and prove that Sadar Hills is the land of the Nagas? Can you point me some fact or more importantly of its history on defence against foreign invaders-the British?

With this question,it seems,he was blown out of the cold. To my surprise he smiles at his cellphone that never rings; and inquired me to repeat the question complaining the language jargon. In doing so he pleaded,”such questions need an elaborate understanding on history. He keep on with little stumbling ,”those questions are to be asked to our leaders. Its out of my knowledge”. That was how we end the discussion,which perhaps,begins lively but ended without much to appreciate on the claims and stance of the Nagas. Well. As we go through the above interaction,I believe,one may be confused over a Naga leader attitude toward their Christian brethren. Surprisingly,if a leader who claims to be so God-fearing have a warlike attitude to someone then one can easily guess the perception the general Naga population ought to posses? The reason I penned this.

Now from the Christianity perspective. Some years back we have celebrated the joy of attaining a centenary-100th year of the arrival of Christianity in Manipur. It was expected that Christianity attains much maturity than before. However much against our expectation things seems to be murkier with the advancing years. The relationship one community maintains over the other is not going to wane easily. This is evident from the present crisis we face and the press statements issued against the other targeting the lesser privileged. To be little persuasive over the present demand I would like to set some record straight in the interest of all.

The Manipur (Hill Areas) Autonomous District Council Act, 1971 has a provision for creation of six autonomous districts of which Sadar Hills autonomous council was one among them. Therefore, the question of bifurcating Senapati of carving parts of the district to form Sadar

Hills never arise. The  provision was made for administrative convenience; the same case that Senapati have. Under such circumstances Nagas communal tone over the issue is something  hard to digest. Reason in defense may vary,but one may be pointed out. The sanctioned district has a mix population. No particular community could claim suzerainty over it. Off course the Kuki groups maintains the majority status with Nepali,Naga and Meitei  community filling the leftover composition. But there is nothing to be so much to be alarmed off. Implanting fear to the general public is never to be encouraged.

One assumption may be, Naga leader fear of similar repercussions of what they did to the minority Kukis in the areas where they hold majority two decades back! If so,the Kukis stance on Sadar hills issue till date is clear-there is no communal tone from Kuki civil organisation like Kuki Inpi , KSO etc, except KPF statement rebuking Naga civil society stance on the issue. Such is a clear indication that there is no hidden political agenda from the side of Kukis.

Instead it is the general populace who wholly back the move. To keep in mind, the trend of one community dominating a district is a normal trend we have in the present day administration,yet we don’t find any ill consequences a result of such demarcation. Instead a mixed population is believe to have provided a better social environment due to intermingling of different colours. This also have proved to broadens one`s mindset to a large extend.

Taking advantage of the presence of  a fraction of Nagas land with a scattered population of about 10%, Sadar Hills has been included in what is called the homeland of the Nagas thereby   forcefully ignoring the rightful claims of the Sadar Hillites. As understood,the idea of gaining control of Sadar Hills is not a recent origin. The first open attempt came in the form of ethnic cleansing drive against the Kukis who constitute the bulk of the area, in 1993. To the disappointment of Naga leaders things could not be materialized as planned. Thank God!

The second such attempt came: the present deadlock. Never mind,our human mindsets are such that we  don’t feel being bad as long as things are in our favour; but act harshly on things which deviates slightly against our wish. This type of perception full of egos –me,myself-is never to be found in the principle of the Christian faith. Rather it tells us to love our neighbor as we love thyself.

Beloved Naga Christians must sense this. While we tries to grab somebody`s  right to make up our dreamland-Nagalim, we don’t want an inch of Nagas land to be included in an already sanctioned district which neither means separation or secession. These are the ills that infest Naga nation. It is a society where give and take,compromise and accommodation have no meaning.

We professed to  live a life on the principle of a Christian faith which encompasses brotherhood of all mankind. Often,the verbatim like forgiveness,confession,do good,accommodation,peace loving and mutual understanding became the refrain in the church which is never put into practice. While our lip service are sweet with the word of God,our hearts are filled with nothing but greed;our motives are self drive,our mindsets are preoccupied with war, bloodshed and  hatred.

So ,until we develop a sense of sympathy for others we have no reason to tell the world –we are proud to be a children of the Lord. Rising up his name without upholding the principles of the Christian faith will only tantamount to insult on the Savior. The sweet motto like `Nagalim for Christ” has been used far and wide these days ,however, the banner has been used only to invite hatred upon the Naga society,and more importantly the church image.

Let peace prevail !!
Writer can be contacted at raymond.chongloi@gmail.com

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/09/nagas-stance-on-sadar-hills-a-christianity-perspectives/

The Sadar Hills

by Heigrujam Nabashyam Sadar Hills has long ceased to be a question of district. The Manipur government cannot pretend or be in denial of this development; nor that would help… Read more »

by Heigrujam Nabashyam
Sadar Hills has long ceased to be a question of district. The Manipur government cannot pretend or be in denial of this development; nor that would help in any way. Fact is, Sadar Hills has become two opposing world views of the two contending parties. In plain words, the question appears to be : who owns Sadar Hills ?

The question finds a direct root in the British legacy of the colonial days. It has born out of the British policy of reserving moles and hills of the then Manipur for the hill dwellers for their convenience and strategy. And this legacy of the British administration was the original and primary source of the ideas such as one’s ancestral land, etc.

And what was equally, if not more, responsible for the development of this kind of historical junk – classification, identification and reservation of the natural landscape by the colonial people, was the pathological fear of the subservient minds of the British subjects of Manipur – perhaps the post-British generations, too of this godforsaken beautiful land –  that did not question the whimsical act that ultimately led to the growth of conceptual and cerebral fissure in the society of Manipur on the hill-valley line.

Man by nature are greedy; once given an opportunity, it would be very difficult to make one share it later that opportunity with another, because it becomes one’s nature and would ultimately claim it to be one’s birthright, etc.

Manipur, even after coming of age, when values of equality, fraternity and democracy was the Mantra of our politics, 90 percent of the land of Manipur are out of reach even for the fellow brethren. This is unthinkable in a civilized world. And this is the source of many of the ills and problems of the weird world of Manipur.

Now, politics is the name of this game. But to play the game there should be a fair and legitimate norm. What Manipur in today is, the game is being played on an uneven, unfair and absolutely illegitimate ground. This is the curse and that we are all under its spell. We have even forgotten, under the spell of course, that it is destroying all of us without any distinction.

Definitely our first task is to come out of this spell and that this won’t be an easy task too. But this is what politics and the political activists – especially the elected representatives – are expected to perform; because that would decide what the future and our immediate tomorrow, too – would hold for us in this badly blighted land.

The Sadar Hills is one such ill, born out of this curse. But what is unfortunate is the government fails to inspire confidence in the minds of the public that it would find a durable solution so that we can bear the pains and sufferings that are inflicted on us by its habitual inactivity. People expect words from the chief minister that would evoke confidence in us that Manipur is not a Mapu Paandaba Lum – a land with no one in charge.

Even an SPF government apologist must understand that the health of this ancient land have seriously deteriorated during the rule of this most stable government ever.

Everybody knows Sadar Hills is a complicated problem. But the government has to handle it one way or the other. That is the job of the government.

Recalling the last upheaval of the Sadar Hills during W. Nipamacha’s period – I had the privilege as a member of a group of social activists, to interact and discuss the issue of Sadar Hills with the members of SHDDC led by its Chairman and the General Secretary – that was a serious meeting, though unofficial. When I talked to the members of the Committee, I had pointed out that Sadar Hills was much more than a question of district, rather it had become a symbol of Manipur. It is a microcosm of Manipur and no community can play the communal card and every community must respect it.

I had also pointed out that bandh/blockade of the Sadar Hills to demand upgradation into a district was not commensurate to the importance and beauty of the Sadar Hills that bind all the districts of Manipur – hills and valley together.

On behalf of the group of activists and on behalf of the then suffering public, I made the appeal to withdraw the strike/bandh because that had only lessen the importance of Sadar Hills and would ultimately destroy its own beauty.

Luckily nobody from the SHDDC had contradicted or opposed to what I had proposed.

The next day the SHDDC withdrew the strike/bandh after signing an agreement with the W. Nipamacha Singh government.

A decade had gone and the spirit of Sadar Hills remains the same; but the issue of Sadar Hills aggravates. The problem is, our political leaders appear to have lost on the decades-old issue. And let nobody be under the illusion that Delhi has the solution unless our elected rulers do their homework.

It is them to understand the intricacies of the matter; pinpoint areas to be focused; visualize and plan for viable alternatives only then Delhi or whoever, can help us. But sadly, the SPF government seems to have abdicated its responsibility. Do we not deserve a responsible government that would steer clear of the mess made by the O. Ibobi Singh government?

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/09/the-sadar-hills/

Where Is My Right To Live

by AW Khaiyar The Govt. of Manipur has often interpreted the RIGHT TO FREEDOM in shrink in the constitution of India into two terms. Countless of evil incident and event… Read more »

by AW Khaiyar
The Govt. of Manipur has often interpreted the RIGHT TO FREEDOM in shrink in the constitution of India into two terms. Countless of evil incident and event have been encountered by common citizens of our state, to my surprise the price of life differ from community inspite of the same cases. May be its not worthwhile to mention but situation compels me to state the genuine facts that the government of Manipur is solely responsible for lawlessness in the state: the concern department never take positive steps least the situation is out of control, the nature of bandh, strike, blockage, hunger stick, etc, etc is the seed sawn by our government and now people are suffering in cultivating all these miseries. One cannot see any good Samaritans from present government other than discovering the most deadliness poison environment of communalism and senseless responsible. Believe or not you will never or else hardly see VIPs on their headlight visiting the deceased nor hear condolence   nor they will shed crocodile tears when tribals are the culprits needless to mentioned ex-gratia. No citizens of Manipur will deny me in saying whenever any students from privilege class(Meitei)  molest, harass, fail to notice their where about, the whole city is ceased with placard of solidarity of peace and appeals and heed the heart of ………………. But my Sister belongs to non privilege class (Tribal) have only mourning dear ones with their tears and lovely last garlands. No worldly placard, no ex-gratia and no condolence but surly our God is with you and may He grant you an eternal life.  Dear fellow beings I have no say of disparities: rich or poor, friends or enemy, when we are struggling for live but it’s our moral responsible to respect the lifeless body. Senseless activities are increasing day after day people with attitude of “the law is with me” increases taking advantage of deteriorating government. Silence is not always indicator of acceptance rather it may be a sign of desperation in case of the minority community in Manipur, every steps of our government is incidentally or intentionally widening the gap between the love of the valley and the hills. Our sister who is found dead with marks of strangulation and multiple injuries found half naked at Cheiroching, Chingmeirong under Lamphel Police Station is morning with pain claiming where “WOMAN DIGNITY” is where is “MY FREEDOM TO LIVE” waiting the government to answer.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/09/where-is-my-right-to-live/

Sardar Hills Issue Peopling & Role of leaders

by RS Jassal Many have given their views over genealogy creation of Sadar Hills including one new version by Lt.Col. Rajender Singh Retd that it stands for Special Area Development… Read more »

by RS Jassal
Many have given their views over genealogy creation of Sadar Hills including one new version by Lt.Col. Rajender Singh Retd that it stands for Special Area Development Region by Mr. Maxwell. However if you scan the development done there is hardly any evidence traceable. After careful study of some history books, articles and assessments from ground realties it stands:

Pertinent Realties
(a) How Pettigrew was settled at Mission Compound Kangpokpi after his initial stay at Ukhrul objected to by the then locals at Ukhrul.
(b) First ever cantonment of 129  houses belonging to Kuki’s was established at Keithelmanbi Chief of Keitheilmanbi  who happens to have retired from Assam Regt is holding documents with him.
(c) Maharaja Bodhchandra Singh’s wife Princess Ishwari Devi brought 200 retinue of Gorkhas with her as part of royal send off. Bulk of them were settled at Irangpat I & Irangpat II. This location extends Kalapahar – IT road to Chhalwa hills on IT road short of Tamei.
(d) There are three to four houses belonging to Bhutia’s also settled on IT road & about 40 to 60  Buddhist were settled around  in Moreh/Tamu, perhaps all with proper agreement of the Regent Maharaja and Communities  having permanent  controls over their lands.
(e) Yangangpokpi to Litan – New Heaven are having a good number of Kuki villages & Nepali dwellings intermittently staying, together. Interestingly , Litan, Sawungmong (Tumionpokpi)  on Kangpokpi- Hengbung road, Mayangthana, Mayang Naga on same road & Chiru Kangchup with Chiroi Humdangba are mixed population – Naga on one side & Kuki  on the other in West on Silchar road indicate – close , agreed settlements since past  century or above. To Saikul in East & areas where these settlements are, appear to have been lying vacant at some stage or the other. This buffer zone for fears from either side valley/hills might have dictated to remain unoccupied. So Regent/Maharaja created Sadar areas like elsewhere in India – Delhi Sadar,Jallandar Sadar, Lucknow Sadar-, Benares Sadar & so on meaning by areas closer to main HQ were writ  of the Britishers prevailed and  in Sadars  Hills  settlements desired by them  invited no problems: Please give analystic thought to it.

Present Status:
Population wise it meets all the requirements for a revenue district ADC office with enhanced powers is functional. People representing all the communities are staying amicably and without   problems except with Damocles’ sword hanging over heads of Kuki’s and milestone of past hanging on the neck of Nagas both for treatment beyond their control since ailment is reality.

Govt. of India & Manipur are trying hard to find out solution without hurting any community(s) psyche. Many moderate Nagas also wish that district can be created but with mutual discussions & understanding. It is also a fact even if district is not declared; its functioning will not diminish in value & content. The present day population cannot be evicted, since areas were never measured from revenue point of view.  It will be a Herculean task to decide on boundaries in a perfect manner. Nagas say boundaries first, Kuki’s say District first. Government does not desire to disappoint any community. PM of India Dr. Manmohan Singh says at no cost any community be put against other for narrow political ends. Both sides are governed not by conscience BUT by people with guns behind which is dangerous.

Suggested Solution
All communities must respect the wisdom of Hon’ble Chief Minister and regard the Chief Secretary as a representation of godly court to decide on the boundaries of this would be extant district where weight age be  given to the ‘district of the people’ and  not ‘district of ethnics’.

Kuki sticking to economic blockade conveys the ethnic colour when we talk of having a district of the people. So in all fairness, economic blockade must be called off. Full use of 90 days for the Chief Secretary to submit report be made, with liberalism, so that concerned Naga, Kuki and Gorkhas can move out to the Secretariat for submitting their views and documents freely and frankly.

Need of the hour:
No body should issue any inflammatory statement to vitiate the atmosphere. The more we delay, the more loss of developmental hours for the economic uplifment of ‘common man’ Let this solution prove that leaders once determine to solve a problem are really capable of doing so when moving in real earnest.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/09/sardar-hills-issue-peopling-role-of-leaders/

AFSPA: Tragedy of Delinking Its Political Premise

By Angomcha Bimol Akoijam By and large, those who oppose the Armed Forces Special Powers Act continue to de-link or ignore the subversive political premise of the Act in their… Read more »

By Angomcha Bimol Akoijam

All legislations are to address some realities/phenomena in our real world. Acts on dowry, sati, child-marriage, for that matter the recent talk of Lok Pal, all are (about) legislations to address or fight realities of our life (the menace of dowry, sati, child-marriage or corruption). The discussions or debates on these legislations are not carried out by de-linking these realities. If so, what is that AFSPA is fundamentally seeking to address?

By and large, those who oppose the Armed Forces Special Powers Act continue to de-link or ignore the subversive political premise of the Act in their criticism against the same. Primarily driven by narrow juridical perspectives informed by Human Rights concerns, those who oppose the Act have allowed AFSPA to go on without facing a fundamental challenge to its foundation. As a consequence, the prospect of the Act going through a process of mutation to come back in another incarnation to continue the subversion of a civilized democratic life in the Northeast in general and Manipur in particular cannot be ruled out.

Rhetoric of a Merry-Go-Round

It’s worth remembering that not only AFSPA came as a product of a “decision” by the political executive (i.e., as an ordinance on 22nd May, 1958) but also subsequently escaped more or less unscathed from the “legislative oversight function” of a democratically constituted Parliament on 18 August, 1958. And finally, rather than returning the legislation to the Parliament again for reconsideration, the President readily gave his assent on the legislation, thus making it into a law on 11 September, 1958.

Finally, this “special” law, which, unlike many other “extraordinary” or “special” laws, specifically allows the deployment of the military forces in the “internal affairs” (or as it has been termed as “law and order”) of the State, survived the judicial scrutiny in 1997 as the Supreme Court upheld its “constitutionality”.

Incidentally, after having escaped all these processes, legislative, judicial and executive scrutiny, the Act did return to the political domain once more as a consequence of the upheaval in Manipur in 2004. And yet, the political premise of the Act has never been the primary concern of the protest against the Act.

Indeed, despite this historicity of the Act, strange as it may seem, even as we mark the anniversary of AFSPA, the day the Act became a law, or a “lawless law” (as the then MP from Manipur Laishram Achaw meaningfully called it), one might continue to hear the same legal arguments against the Act which were put up before the Supreme Court. And redundant arguments (e.g., the power to shoot has been given to Non Commission Officer, as if the power is given to a JCO or Commission Officer, it will be acceptable) are likely to be in the air once again. This being the case, the need to go to the basics must be emphasized once more.

Basic Questions

One basic issue that has been relegated, with serious consequences, has been the issue of what this Act is for? All legislations are to address some realities/phenomena in our real world. Acts on dowry, sati, child-marriage, for that matter the recent talk of Lok Pal, all are (about) legislations to address or fight realities of our life (the menace of dowry, sati, child-marriage or corruption). The discussions or debates on these legislations are not carried out by de-linking these realities. If so, what is that AFSPA is fundamentally seeking to address?

The Act addresses a reality in our real world, that is, armed insurgency which purportedly threatens the “national security” (i.e. undermining the territorial integrity and constitutional order of the Indian State). In Manipuri, that phenomenon is called “khutlai paiba lalhouba” (or “armed rebellion”; here it must be noted that “insurgency” is a synonym for “rebellion”).

How does one hope to discuss the Act by de-linking it from the purpose and reality of “armed rebellion” that it purportedly seeks to address? Indeed, have the familiar arguments on power being vested with the NCOs or for that matter even the infringement on the fundamental and sacrosanct “Right to Life” of the citizens ever reminded one of what is that the AFSPA is seeking to address or deal with this reality of our real world? None!

Interestingly, all this while, as the protestors are busy while barking at the “bare act” of AFSPA with their increasingly redundant legal arguments, the Government of India does not and will not de-link what it thinks the Act is addressing while thinking about AFSPA.

It is no wonder then that the protestors are not only least bothered about, if not oblivious of, the dubious and sinister politics that has given birth to, and sustained, this legal fiction called AFSPA over the years. While the Supreme Court Judgment categorically has insisted that the “disturbed condition” is not due to “armed rebellion” wherein the Act has been enforced or that the said “condition” does not constitute a threat to the “security of the nation”, the military and the political class continue to maintain otherwise.

If the Act is not addressing or not related to what the people know it as “khutlai paiba lalhouba” (or “armed rebellion”), what is that the Act is seeking to address? Having failed to address or remained ignorant of such basic question, many have failed to understand the Act itself. For instance, the violence which is being exercised by the State through AFSPA is fundamentally based on or derived from the violence to “institute order” rather than “violence to preserve order”. That AFSPA is a violence to institute “Indian-ness” or the Legitimacy of “Indian State” in specific areas and their inhabitants wherein the “Indian-ness” are problematic.

Indeed, it is not merely the ignorance of written words or documents, even the empirics have failed to draw the attention of many protestors to the real character of the Act. For instance, that the AFSPA has not been imposed in all those areas that have “armed insurgency” does not even allow many of these protestors to see the real nature of political violence invoked by the Act. Thus, having failed to understand the political premise of the Act, they do not adequately comprehend the fact that AFSPA has always been imposed wherein “Indian-ness” has become problematic for the Indian State (Northeast, Kashmir, and briefly Punjab), not in those areas wherein “Indian-ness” has not been seen as a problem, albeit affected by armed insurgency (i.e., leftist insurgency in “mainland” India). And consequently they continue to argue against AFSPA as if the Act is an instrument of maintaining “law and order”, a premise dubiously set up by those who impose and seek to sustain the subversion of this diabolical legal fiction.

Having failed to understand the nature of the political premise and its violence invoked by the AFSPA, most of these protestors have also failed to understand that the reason behind the use of the military forces (which has the ultimate physical force for the “institution of order”) rather than the police (which exercise the violence to preserve/main order) runs deeper than the issue of whether the police forces can handle the situation or not. That had it been a question of “law and order”, either the police forces would have been readied long time back for the job or the military would not have also objected to the restraints on power which are typically imposed on those who perform the duty of maintaining “law and order” under the normative and institutional imperatives of a democratic order.

Thus, the delinking of the political premise of the AFSPA has been a critical factor in allowing the subversion of a civilized democratic life under a legal fiction. Not only that, such an approach has also allowed the people to be a part of the denial and distortions of the nature of the historically rooted and contemporary socio-political issues that affect our collective life for decades. Consequently, our capacity to address and deal with our pathetic situation in an informed, honest, purposeful and realistic manner has also been seriously jeopardized. And it must go without saying that harping on narrowed legal arguments, resorting to rhetoric and proclaiming dubious knowledge of “ground reality” to hide one’s ignorance or dishonesty do not help much to fight against AFSPA and its political premise.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/09/afspa-tragedy-of-delinking-its-political-premise/

Manipur as a travel/tourist destination

By Chitra Ahanthem That Manipur has many things to offer to travelers and tourists alike in terms of places to see or as destination points is no secret. So when… Read more »

By Chitra Ahanthem

The list goes on…but for now let’s hope the tourism department is reading this piece

That Manipur has many things to offer to travelers and tourists alike in terms of places to see or as destination points is no secret. So when a team from the state taking part in a tourism mart came back with the tag of the state being an upcoming tourism destination, it was not a surprise. But one sincerely hopes that tourists and travelers when they do come to this “exciting destination” are not left unpleasantly surprised by how unprepared we are. Since it is the season of media censures and newspaper bans (not to forget the vitriol that will spawn on internet web pages in the form of comments and debates), let me hasten to add that one is not disputing the tag of a great destination. However I will vehemently dispute the nature of the destination(s) in Manipur.

Here are some reasonings behind my take:

– Social networking sites are often choc a bloc with positive comments and inquires following photo album updates of sights, scenes and locations of the state. The more adventurous even want to sample local cuisines (we will look into this too, but later) but anyone has any idea why none of the decent hotels in Manipur have the local cuisine in their spread? Check in any hotel and you will see their menus with the usual Chinese, Tandoori and Continental segments. Yes, local cuisine gets served at conferences and seminars but we are not talking of that.

– Accommodation issues are a sore point once those projecting Manipur as a tourism destination are thinking of taking them tourists to places beyond Imphal. The Government has to really spruce up the Government rest houses in the district headquarters at least. The tourist lodge at Sendra comes to mind mainly because of the buzz over the Loktak lake. Unfortunately, it stinks of urine and one is not clear whether it is open to hosting tourists. There used to be a private hotel (very small, and one that comes with no star rating) in Moirang but it soon became a dingy place. I recently saw the outer structure getting a new coat of paint (some rather hideous colour). One sincerely hopes that they have done something about the inside rooms as well: I distinctly remember a one night stay with a camera team that came in from Mumbai to video shoot the Moirang Lai Harouba. The bathroom had no water in the taps! Unlike tourists, travelers do not look at luxury but there is something called comfort. A clean bed and toilet-bathroom and home-made meals are often what takes it to make a great travel spot.

– Combine the first two points written above and one can see how unprepared we are! As far as the beauty of places go or the excitement factor goes, there really is no lack of places. Think Moirang and apart from Loktak lake, there is a huge scope for making the area the favorite destination for wildlife enthusiasts by introducing activities like camping at the Keibul Lamjao National park for one; angling around Sendra (that would mean taking away the Army psst..psst!). These and more can be done only after there is a proper accommodation set up at Moirang. But the same applies everywhere else once one moves away from Imphal. Think Ukhrul and one thinks immediately of the Siroi peak and the Siroi lily. But again, it is the same accommodation issue here too. Yet, if this factor gets taken care of, other areas in Ukhrul apart from the Siroi peak can be put on the tourist map. Think Nungbi, think of Khangkhui Cave, think Kachouphung Lake. Let’s now imagine a situation where accommodation gets taken care of (and for this, we are not talking necessarily only of big hotels but home stays or community efforts) and then we have the immense potential of bringing local community people as trekking guides (for Siroi peak), pottery tutors (for tourists who want to have a try at making pottery) besides of course boosting the traditional handloom and handicraft industry. The story repeats itself for every other district: think the Thanlon caves, think of river rafting on the Barak but….

– Before the tourists or travelers comes in from outside the state, ever wondered why the tourism department has not looked at home tourists? Most states have week-end getaways with accommodation logistics being developed precisely to generate income from within the state. There is definitely a huge market for this in Manipur as well.
End-point:

This is going to be a bit longer than the usual end-point. Keeping in mind the topic, let me stick to a point format on what can be done or thought about:
– Adopt a heritage walk program for the Kangla. A light and sound show is a must and can bring in locals too, thereby generating money also for the concerned department. But a guided tour (in English) inside the fort is needed for tourists, which is also good news for the educated but unemployed section. Much like heritage walks, there can be a cultural emphasis too. There are various harvesting festivals in the state and there would be immense interest in them.

– Do something about the transportation segment. We do not have a pre paid vehicle system at the airport, which is supposedly being considered for an “International” tag. The distance from the airport to the hotels in town are very short as compared to the distances that gets commuted in other cities but the charge that the van/tata safari/auto syndicate charge on a mutually agreed upon rate (and hence, harder to negotiate and bargain with) is much steeper. There is an imperative need to have vehicle services registered and following a Government standard rate. Once this gets done, they must also get petrol from the government depot so they do not hike up the vehicle hiring rates when highway blockades comes calling!).

– There is a strong need to change the concept of the Sangai Tourism festival. Till date, it is a carbon copy of any other “Mela” in town: one sees the same stalls, the same agencies. All you see are glittering blouses and sandals and cheap plastic toys for children being sold at hiked rates. Yes, there is talk of bringing in “international stalls” but pray, how does that help tourist foot-fall? Instead, bring in new blood and new ideas. Think out if the box initiatives like perhaps a photo walk: call in paid registrations from within and outside the state. For those coming in from outside, give them subsidized stays so they can spread the word for the next festival.

– Ah well! The list goes on…but for now let’s hope the tourism department is reading this piece!

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/09/manipur-as-a-traveltourist-destination/

Marriage Payment: An Aspect Of Marriage Institution Practiced Among The Chikimis In Manipur

By Priyadarshni M. Gangte. The Chin-Kuki-Mizo is a grouping of people comprising of several ethnic groups who are closely allied to one another. For the purpose of this paper, Chin-Kuki-Mizo… Read more »

By Priyadarshni M. Gangte.
The Chin-Kuki-Mizo is a grouping of people comprising of several ethnic groups who are closely allied to one another. For the purpose of this paper, Chin-Kuki-Mizo is clubbed together as the CHIKIM that literally means ‘all nationalities’. These ‘nationalities’ have a common culture, tradition, language, custom, mode of cultivation, form of government, etc. They inhabit entire Chin Hills of Myanmar and are known ‘Chin’ in that country. These same groups of people are known as ‘Kuki’ when they are in the Indian states of Manipur, Nagaland, Tripura, Assam, etc. and also Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh. Similarly, in recent times, these people inhabiting erstwhile Lushai Hills District of Assam preferred to abandon the term and called themselves as ‘Mizo’ which is recognised by the Government of India and granted the state of Mizoram as belonging to the Mizo people. The present study will discuss the marriage payment, an aspect of marriage institution, among the following Chin-Kuki-Mizo people: Lushais, Thadou/Kuki, Lakher, Zomi/Chin and Old Kukis.

Marriage Payment

Marriage is a form of social arrangement by which a couple is legitimized in their physical relationship and their child is given a legitimate position in the society which is often determined by parenthood in the social sense1 . Marriage payment forms parts of the social institution of marriage. Making of payment of marriage by the bridegroom either in the form of kind or service to the bride’s kin is an essential part of establishment of legality2 . Marriage payment was held officially in South Africa as per native custom with payment of Mithun in general. Some people believe that ‘bride-price’ is a completed word of marriage payment, alleged to have been coined by British administrators during the colonial British period in India3 . In our study, marriage payment will be consistently used to mean marriage price or bride-price.

The Chikimis do not think of marriage necessarily, as a union, based on romantic love although beauty as well as character and health are always sought in choice of a wife. Secondly, in Chikimi society, a marriage involves making of payment by the bridegroom or his kin to the father or close relative of the would-be bride in case the father had expired. Such system of understanding of the nature of marriage alliance was also prevalent in a great number of societies in ancient and modern times in all parts of the world. Among few Chikimi tribes, practice of marriage payment is prevalent and is known as ‘bride-price’, which is paid in cash, kind and ‘mithun’. Our study of the marriage payment system among the Chikimi tribes has revealed that it is a widespread social practice in the northeast India and had significant sociological dimensions.

The Lushai

Marriage payment or bride-price or marriage price is the most important factor in a Chikimi marriage. No marriage can be performed unless part of marriage-payment is made in advance by the bridegroom to the bride’s family. It was paid in terms of mithuns when barter system was practice of the time. A mithun used to cost rupees forty as fixed by the British India administration in 18th Century when currency system was first introduced in this part of the North East. Some clans had fixed the prices for their maids in the past4 . It varied from four to ten mithuns depending upon the antecedents, blood and beauty of the bride. Marriage-payment for a chief’s daughter was as many as ten mithuns or more5  for the Dulien (Lushai) speaking Chikimis. Minor concessions could be given during the time of payment. In this connection, marriage payments were practically never paid up in full at once at the time of wedding for the reason that hardly anybody had enough money to pay the same at once6 . Generally there was the custom of marriage-payment only in instalments and the remaining to be paid after some time i.e. twenty years or more7 . The customary laws of Thadou, Gangte, Vaiphei, Paite, etc. in this regard are quite widely different from the ones described hereinabove8

Marriage-payment is a sacred institution prevalent in Chikimi society. It is however not to be understood as a sale-price9 . It is not a commercial transaction.  Marriage payment was sometimes used as a weapon for a clever parent to reject a suitor10 If it is really felt that the usual payment of any part of the same was unduly delayed or was not intentionally paid, the aggrieved party could seek the chief’s permission to seize any of the property of the debtor against the claim11 .

The marriage payment consisted of two parts12  (i) the Manpui and the Mantang. The Manpui is the price that has to go direct to the girl’s father or in his absence, to her brother. If she has none of them, it has to be received by her nearest male relative. The general rate of Manpui is five mithuns or Rs.100/- if the girl had dowry or ‘Thuam’ in the Dulien language but in case she does not carry, the rate of it was four mithuns each Mithun being fixed at Rs. 80/- by the British administrators. The custom of increasing Rs. 20/- was prevalent if the girl was provided with Thuam.

It is pertinent to mention that the Lushai (Dulien speaking Mizos) custom is slightly different from others in dealing with matters relating to marriage payment. It happened in circumstances where the girl was adopted by a man since childhood then the price went to him. In cases where male relatives failed to receive the marriage payment, the mother of the bride did not marry again and had taken all the responsibilities for her daughter (bride) she would let her mother receive the payment or she could select anyone to receive her marriage payment. In case her mother remarried and had gone to live with her husband under whose care the girl was brought up could be entitled to receive the marriage payment13 . In case she is a ‘Falak’ or illegitimate child, her mother could receive the marriage payment14 .

During the course of our survey, we found that Parry was right about the ‘Mantang’ or the subsidiary price of the bride, which was normally distributed to different categories of persons15 .
(a) Sumhmahruai, Rs. 20/-, this price is payable to the bride’s father or brother.
(b) Sumfang, Rs. 8/- is payable to the bride’s father or brother.
(c) Pusum, Rs. 6/- goes to the bride’s ‘Pu’ (the maternal uncle of the bride).
(d) Palal, Rs. 5/- is to be received by any person, selected by the bride as adopted father. The Palal in reciprocal has to give the bride a fowl and Zubel (pot with rice beer) as Lawichal (wedding feast given by recipients of Mantang).
(e) Ni-ar, Rs. 2/- has to be received by the parental aunt.
(f) Naupuakpuan, Rs. 2/- is entitled by the bride’s elder sister in consideration of her having carried the bride about in her cloth when the child was a baby.

The above-mentioned subsidiary price or ‘Mantang’ are the integral parts of marriage payment. In addition to this, there are also two optional ‘mans’- they are Thianwan and Lawichal16 .
(i) Thianwan Rs. 2/- or Rs. 3/- is payable to a friend of the bride, it is from the Manpui. Thianman is refunded in case the bride left her husband sumchchuah (divorce of husband by wife) or Uire (adultery).
(ii) Lawichal Rs. 2/- is a payment (not compulsory) payable only when the bride and the bridegroom are from different villages. When the bride is escorted by a group of friends and a man, who leads them to the bridegroom’s residence. This man is known as ‘Lawichal’ in the language of Dulien speakers. He is sometimes rewarded Rs. 2/- which is also to be refunded in case the bride later leaves her husband ‘Sumchchuah’ or ‘Uire’.

Moreover, the following rates of marriage payment are realized:
(i) Tlai means head of one mithun’s price Rs. 20/-.
(ii) ‘Tlai Sial’ means half mithun Rs. 20/-.
(iii) ‘Sepui’ means a full grown mithun Rs. 40/-.
(iv) ‘Seding’ means a full grown mithun or Rs. 40/-.
(v) ‘Senufa’ means a mithun and calf or Rs. 60/-.
(vi) ‘Puikhat’ means Rs. 20/-.
(vii) ‘Puisawnsial’ means Rs. 20/-.

The Lakher

Marriage payment among the Lakhers was quite high and this worked as a deterrent to easy divorce and fortified the position of the wife. Like the Lushais, marriage payment in the Lakher-customs was shared by a long line of relatives even aunts of the bride have to receive part of it. Sometimes, sharing of the same was so complicated that litigations continued endlessly17 . The main price was called ‘angkia’. Higher clan Lakhers also adopted the custom of taking higher rate of ‘angkia’, which varied from 10 to 70 rupees. The different parts of the marriage payment, are the ‘angkia’, the ‘puma’, the ‘nongcheu’, the ‘nangcheu’, etc. All these prices have their own subsidiary prices18 .

The ‘angkia’(‘Angkia’ means house enter) as the main price is taken by the father of the bride. In some Lakher society, the ‘angkia’ is received by the eldest son (brother) for the eldest daughter. Likewise the youngest daughter’s angkia goes to the youngest brother.

The next payment is the ‘Puma’(‘Puma’ has the same significance of that other prices.) which is payable only to the bride ‘pupa’ who is her maternal uncle. The rate at which ‘puma’ is payable depends on the rate of the angkia and if it is 60 rupees the rate of the ‘pumapi’ or ‘puma’ payment is also 60 rupees and is generally claimed when the couple settles down as man and wife.

The third marriage payment is the ‘Nongchue’.( ‘Nongcheu’ is found to have exist only in the Lakher society.) which means ‘the mother’s price’. If the mother and father of the bride have been divorced, it is payable to the bride’s mother. If they are still married, it is payable to the bride’s mother’s sister.

The fourth marriage payment is the ‘Nangchue’‘Nangcheu’ is equivalent to Niman or Niar, and it is sometimes replaced by ‘Tini’), which means the aunt’s price and is payable to the bride’s eldest paternal aunt.

The Thadou / Kuki:

Among the Thadous, the marriage payment has an interesting legend19 . Chongthu was the younger brother of Nongmangpa, the Chief of the underworld. As per Thadou custom, in the presence of the elder brother called ‘Upa’, the younger brother called ‘Naopa’ cannot become a chief. So, Noimangpa, being the elder, was the chief, Chongthu also intended to become the Chief. Therefore, he went out in search of a suitable land where he could establish himself separately as a Chief. He found one. On his plan to become a chief, he wanted to go with his own closed friends whom he could trust. Thus, he arranged for the marriage of each of his selected men. In doing so he made the marriage payments of each bride to their parents. In those days, no valuable property or cash was available. All the valuable items that one could think of was a ‘Paigen’. This was a belt made of leather and decorated with a kind of beads, called ‘Longchang’, in seven lines. This was then considered to be a very rare and valuable item of property.
This could only be afforded by the chief alone. So, traditionally it became associated with the sole property, the right of which was vested only in the chief and was venerated very much being associated with a certain amount of superstition20 .

Chongthu being the younger brother of Noimangpa, the chief, had access to it and when he arranged for the brides of his friends with whom he planned to go to his newly found land, he paid the ‘Paigen’ to the parents of the girls as marriage payment. It so happened that though the commoners dared not refuse to accept the ‘Paigen’ when offered to them as marriage payment subsequently, they could neither dare keep it with them owing to their superstitions attached to it nor could they dare refuse the bride in marriage. 21 Thus,  along with the bride,  the parents returned the ‘Paigen’ to Chongthu saying that being a valuable property associated with the Chief exclusively, they dare not keep it or else, the wrath of the unseen supernatural power visit them and bring misfortune to them22 . This process went on and on until Chongthu was able to arrange 30 of his best and closest friends with the payment of ‘Paigen’ as the marriage payment.

Hereafter, marriage payment of every clan was paid in terms of seven mithuns based on the seven lines of ‘Longchung’ on the ‘Paigen’. This however needs further investigation and confirmation, the prevailing different versions on the matter among the Thadou tribes needs specific enquiries. Our research into ethnicity and folk lores reveal that since then marriage payment came to exist though in actual practice there are variations among the clans in terms of kind and number of mithuns. However, assuming that the following structure is the broad base for marriage payment as propounded by Crawford.

Bride-Price Structure of Thadous:
Clan Price
1. Doungel i) selsom (10 mithuns)
ii) dahpi ni (2 big copper gongs)
iii) dahbu ni (2 sets of three different small sizes of copper gongs)
iv) Khichang ni (2 ear beads)
v) Khichong ni (2 bead necklaces)

2. Sitlhou

3. Singson i) Selsomlanga (15 mithuns)

4. Kipgen i) selsom (10 mithuns)
ii) dahpi ni (2 big copper gongs)
iii) Khichong ni (2 bead necklaces)
iv) Khichang ni (2  ear beads )

5. Haokip

6. Chongloi i) Selsagee (7 mithuns)
ii) dahpi khat (1 big copper gong)
iii) dahbu khat (1 set of three different small sizes of copper gongs)
iv) Khichang khat (1 ear bead)
v) Khichong khat (1 bead necklace)

7. Hangshing

Though Crawford’s work is not comprehensive it serves an useful study on Thadou customary law for further exploration on the customary laws of the Thadous25 . Shaw,26   in his study on the Thadous, observed several deviations from what Crawford had specified in his work. He contended that the question of amount of marriage payment among the Thadous was not definite and commented that the chiefs and wealthy persons usually claimed and paid the equivalent of ten mithuns, Rs. 200/- in cash, 23 dahpi (large gongs), 2 dahpu (set of two gongs), 2 khichang (ear beads), 2 khichong (necklaces). He did not name any specific clan of the Thadous. He further opined that ordinary person often actually pay a couple of mithun, khichang and khichong. As in an instance, he said that a pig in some cases may be taken as one mithun and that as per his personal experience he had come across cases where Rs. 40 had stood for 4 mithuns, a jar of ‘ju’ for a khichang or khichong. Thus in actual practice the parent of the bride hardly ever received the marriage-payment in full but in the form of more or less fictitious substitutes. He was emphatic in this regard to the effect that the parents loved to name large amounts as the ‘man’ not with any idea of getting it, but to be able to boast that their daughter was married for so much. Often when enquired as to what precisely they had received, it was found that actually a much smaller amount had been accepted in full satisfaction by a system of fictitious values. This is very similar to the practices among the Lushais, Zomis, etc. Fictitious values have more often created false pretensions of wealth and richness, which became bones of contentions later and led to unhappy marriages.

It must also be mentioned that Hutton27  was convinced to have observed the fact that the first and last number of the marriage payment by mithun must necessarily be paid in mithun (selkeng-liding by this it means that marriage payment has to be by live-mithun). The first and the last marriage payment must in no case be substituted in any form of cash or kind.

Gangte28  another authority working on the marriage payment of the Thadous maintains that the marriage payment of the Singson Thadou is 30 mithuns without any other items added to it unlike the other Thadou clans. The higher rate of marriage payment among the Singsons has no origin according to him. It is said, the Singsons are the direct junior collaterals of the Sitlhous. So when their senior collateral (Sitlhous) increased the marriage payment the junior also deemed it proper to follow suit.29

During the course of our research we found that one common conspicuous missing fact is that of ‘Lutom Laisui’, a very important and compulsory item in the marriage payment. It signifies the importance of father and mother of the bride. ‘Lutom’ is given to the father of the bride in token expression of gratitude. Likewise, ‘Laisui’ is an exclusive item to be given to the mother of the bride for having given birth to her daughter from her naval. Here, it must be said that, while the father is shown respect for his paternal masculinity, the mother too is highly respected for giving birth to the child. In this regard, it is interesting to state that there cropped up differences between William Shaw and J.H. Hutton, who out of confusion literally dealt with the two terms out of ignorance of the language and meaning provided to the two items. Shaw30   attributed ‘Lutom’ as a gift given to the mother and ‘Laisui’ to the father. Hutton31  contended otherwise and explained that Shaw got it the wrong way round. In doing so, he explained saying that Laisui means a woman’s waist-band, while Lutom is a man’s loincloth. They were cloths for bride’s parent and further contended that it could be accounted for a money payment of Re. 1/- and Rs. 2/- respectively, that a woman can claim for property and that a Thadou woman can make in her own account.

Similarly, we found another feature that has not been dealt with by the several authorities in regard to Manpi which stands for principal marriage-payment that consists of one mithun on the tail of which one piece of big bead ‘khichang’ through the ear of which the tail of the mithun can be made to pass through as a decorative piece (Ibid). This bead is counted as equivalent to one mithun. Therefore, the Manpi or the principal mithun is counted as to bear the price of two mithuns. The principal mithun is expected to have given birth to as many calves as possible. It is believed that with such principal mithun included in the marriage payment similar number of many children are in return given birth by the bride. Therefore it is insisted that such principal mithun should necessarily reveal calf bearing32 .

We also observed that the broad based marriage payment as shown above is not totally followed by different clans. As for an instance, the Haokips of Chassad lineage known as the seniormost (piba) of the Haokip take ten mithuns inclusive of the principal mithun33  However, as for other junior lineages of the Haokip clan of the Thadou, the marriage payment is fixed at eight mithuns.

Another pertinent point we have observed i.e. the fact that though the marriage-payments of different clans are fixed it is customarily not paid in full throughout the life time of the bride. The practice of marriage payment is that provided the principal mithun accompanied by one or more subsidiary mithun can be paid, the remaining marriage payment be not necessarily in terms of mithuns. They can be substituted in kind. Symbolically the counting could represent mithun depending on the agreement between the groom’s and bride’s parties34 .

The Zomi/Chin

Among the Zomis the payment of marriage price also forms an integral part which has a high social value. In their custom, it is also called ‘Manpi’ (principal price). In every society of Zomi (chin) or Kuki or Chikimi tribes, unlike the Meitei’s, marriage ceremony process takes two days, one for sending off the bride by the parents, and another day for wedding, which is to be performed at the bridegroom’s place. A would-be bride cannot be send-off unless and until the question of ‘Manpi’ is settled as mentioned earlier. This is paid by the bridegroom side to the bride’s parents and has to be received by the father of the bride. In case he is dead, the price goes to the nearest male relative on his side, preferably, to the eldest or the youngest male member who is the heir-apparent.

In general, among the average Zomi, marriage payment ‘Manpi’ or principal price is fixed normally on the following four factors35
(i) the clan to which the bride belongs,
(ii) the amount of dowry the bride carries,
(iii)  the beauty of her
(iv) mutual understanding.

If the bride belongs to chief’s clan or aristocratic family, the normal price of such bride is ten mithuns or equivalent value of ten mithuns in terms of rupees but only in name. Once the principal marriage payment i.e. one life-mithun is paid, the rest of the price can be substituted in kind like gong, even valuable household utensils made of copper, silver, alluminium, etc.36  When marriage is solemnized the parents of the bride offer a sumptuous feast in bidding fare-well to their daughter by sacrificing a pig or a cow or two pigs or two cows depending on their capacity and quantum of guests. This is a normal standard followed by an average Zomi. In symbolic significance of final settlement of marriage negotiation all the elders from both the sides gather with a mug of rice bear each in their hands would partake specific portions of the sacrificial meat together. This is known as ‘witness supper’ of the marriage. This ‘witness supper’ is preceded with formal handing over of the marriage payment. After deliberation they have to agree finally by accepting the marriage payment or totally refunding the same in good faith, which occur rarely.

The following is the generally accepted agreement by Zo or Zomi or ‘Chin’ as far as the marriage-payment is concerned.. It is practiced even today.
Sialsuam (ten mithuns) – Chief or Aristocratic clan.
Sialthum (three Mithuns) – Commoners.

Though virtually covered under the Zomi Customary Law as described hereinabove, marriage payment of the Paites is a bit different. The marriage-payment among them is normally one mithun and a calf, ‘Sial Nuta’. As per fixation of the British administration, one full grown Mithun costs Rs. 40/- and Rs. 20/- for a Mithun calf called ‘Tai’ or ‘Tlai’ which means half. Zomi clans like Zou takes only ‘Sialnga’ (five mithuns) only. The Zous stick to maintaining their customs since time immemorial. The obligation of the bridegroom towards the bride’s party is significant in their social and cultural life. Any relationship between two clans who are involved can also play a role in determining marriage. Thus we find that sometimes the marriage payment can only be symbolic which means the expenses of the wedding ceremony are counted as marriage payment. If a poor boy is not in a position to pay he may be allowed to pay later. A boy may also be exempted from paying the same if he causes elopement of the girl and also if he simply moves to the house of the girl and waits until the girl is ready to marry him37 .

In addition to ‘Manpi’, there are also the other subsidiary marriage-payments. They are as follows:
(i) Puchum Rs. 4/- goes to the maternal uncle of the bride.
(ii) Niman is equal to that of Pusum, which is to be accepted by the paternal aunt.
(iii) Thaman or Palal equal to that of Pusum is the labour or service price to be reciprocated for taking the charge of the parents of the bride and is usually given for the head of the family. It is prevalent among the Gangte, the Paite, the Simte, the Thadou, the Vaiphei also.
(iv) Thallouh ‘sum’ (price goes also to the nearest relative of the head of the family.
(v) Lamman or Thiansum is a small amount of money that goes to a bride’s friend as a token of love.
(vi) Nuapuan puak ‘man’ is the price for the cloth used for carrying the bride when she was a child by her mother or elder sister. It varies from Rs. 4/- to Rs. 20/- as the class of the clan she belongs to. These payments in cash or kind suggest complete cessation of ties of the girl who is getting married with her family as she has to start her own family with full devotion and understanding.

Thakur38  contended that a wealthy commoner can often pay a high marriage price and so marries a woman of high class, and if his descendants continue this practice they will achieve high status rank with many privileges of the aristocratic class, except, of course, the same in the line of possible succession to hereditary headmanship or chieftainship.

The Old Kukis

Among the Aimol, Anal, Chiru, Chothe, Kolhen, Kom and Purum, the marriage payment is also divided into several parts. To mention a few of them is that, among the Aimol, the bride’s eldest brother gets Rs. 6/- and each of the other one rupee less than his immediate senior. The paternal and maternal uncles receive Rs. 2/- each, the aunt and the elder sister also receive Rs. 1/- each as niman.  Among the Anal and Purum the marriage payment must not be less than a pig and a piece of iron a cubit in length but the girl’s relatives try to get as much as they can. The bridegroom has also to feast the family of his bride three times on pork, fowls and rice washed down of course with plenty of Zu. But a Chiru girl has a marriage payment of only one gong. A Chothe girl’s marriage payment comprises of a spear, a dao and a fowl and the same is sealed by the consumption of much Zu. The marriage payment of a Kolhen girl is a gong and Rs. 7/- to her mother and Rs. 7/- each to the elder and younger brother and the maternal uncle.

The marriage payment of the Kom girl is very high, the father receiving one gong, four buffaloes, fifteen cloths, a hoe, and a spear, the aunt taking a black and white cloth. The Lamgang bridegroom has to pay his father-in-law three pigs or buffaloes or cows, one sting of conch-shell beads, one lead bracelet and one black or blue petticoat. A Tikhup father of the bride receives a gong, ten hoes, one dao and one spear and also Rs. 7/- by maternal grandfather. Apart from paying all items of marriage payments such as mithun, cow, pig, gong, bead, necklace, spears, dao, money and whatever ought to be paid by the bridegroom, three years service is to be served to the bride’s family. This practice is prevalent among the Aimol, Anal, Chiru and Purum. During this period of service he works with dedication as if he were a son of the house.39

Our survey has shown that the low rates mentioned as marriage-payments are certainly due to the sluggish economic wealth generation and poor economic condition of the tribes. Even today the plight of the many tribes is not better off. These monetary gifts became rational but the responsibilities that the marriage entailed for both the bride and the bridegroom was enormous. Responsibilities were indeed domineering over both the parties. The spirit of sharing responsibilities was reflected in the methods of gift exchange and their acceptance.

In conclusion, we want to say that in none of the Chin-Kuki-Mizo tribes (Chikimis) not a trace of customary law relating to women succession and inheritance was found to have been mentioned whatsoever40 . To bring a change in the mindset of masses, certainly, education is the only weapon by which social trend is made to a twist steadily or suddenly. In this regard we cannot solely depend on women only; here male participation is considerably essential. Despite the winds of change brought about by modernism, Christianity and innovations of all sorts of comforts and development in life by science and technology traditionalism still stands firm in the dynamics of system of marriage. Marriage payment is, of course, the pivotal part in a Chikimis marriage, however, with the advent of globalisation, so also with a democratic set up norms have somehow impacted these ethnic groups. The traditional systems never recognised the rights of women as primary decision-makers in matters of community issue take inter-ethnic conflict crises management, social sanctions, etc. Their customary laws prevalent among these ethnic groups, though portray an egalitarian socio-economic structure is discriminatory when it comes to women’s right in traditional governance and customary laws.

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Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/09/marriage-payment-an-aspect-of-marriage-institution-practiced-among-the-chikimis-in-manipur/

Teacher`s Day

By Heisnam Jogen Singh Teachers have an influencing role in the life of every student. They are like beacons of light, guiding us in the formative years of our life…. Read more »

A good teacher must know how to arouse the interest of the pupil in the field of study for which he is responsible. He must himself be a master in the field of study and be in touch with the latest developments in the subject, he must himself be a fellow traveler in the exciting pursuit of knowledge…  – Dr. S. Radhakrishan

By Heisnam Jogen Singh

Teachers have an influencing role in the life of every student. They are like beacons of light, guiding us in the formative years of our life. Teachers mould us and in the process and shape our future. What we learn from our teachers remains with us, throughout our life. However, very often, we fail to show our appreciation and gratitude for their altruistic devotion. Teachers do need encouragement and support from the community to feel that their efforts are being recognized.

Teacher’s Day is celebrated throughout the world, year by year. By celebrating National Teacher’s Day, we thank our teachers for providing us their invaluable guidance. In India, Teacher’s Day (also called Teachers’ Appreciation Day or National Teacher’s Day) is celebrated on 5th of September, every year. The date was selected, because it is the birthday of a timeless teacher and the former President of India – Dr. Sarvepalli

On this day, we gratefully remember the great educationist Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, whose dream was that “Teachers should be the best minds in the country”. Hence, Teachers’ Day is very important for all our people, for our students and even for all the parents, as the teachers lay the foundation for creating enlightened citizens for the nation.

While the world celebrates international Teacher’s Day on the 15th of October, India celebrates it on the 5th of September, which is also the birthday of the famous teacher, academic philosopher and the second President of India, Mr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishan.

Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan was born in the year 1888 in a well-known religious state in Chennai, then called Madras. He was the second son of Veera Samayya, a tehsildar in a zamindari. It was a middle-class, respectable Hindu Brahmin family.  He graduated with a Master’s Degree in Arts from Madras University. In partial fulfillment for his M.A. degree, Radhakrishnan wrote a thesis on the ethics of the Vedanta titled “The Ethics of the Vedanta and Its Metaphysical Presuppositions”, which was a reply to the charge that the Vedanta system had no room for ethics.

The Origin of Teacher’s Day:
Since 1962, 5th of September has been celebrated as Teacher’s Day in India. Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakhrishnan was a philosopher and a teacher par excellence. Some of his students and friends approached him and requested him to allow them to celebrate his birthday. In reply, Dr, Radhakrishnan said, “Instead of celebrating my birthday separately, it would be my proud privilege if September 5th is observed as Teacher’s day”. The request showed Dr.Radhakrishnan’s love for the teaching profession. From then onwards, his birthday is observed as Teacher’s Day in India.

What did he Do? He showed how western philosophers, despite all claims to objectivity, were biased by theological influences from their wider culture. In one of his major works he also showed that Indian philosophy, once translated into standard academic jargon, is worthy of being called philosophy by western standards. His main contribution to Indian thought, therefore, is that he placed it “on the map”, thereby earning Indian philosophy a respect that it had not had before. Dr. Radhakrishnan was of the opinion that only the right kind of education could solve many ills of the society and the country. He wanted to bring in a change in the educational system by improving the quality of education and building up a strong relationship between the teacher and the taught. In his opinion, teachers should be the best minds of the country; they should not merely instruct but should gain the true affection of pupils, and the respect for teachers cannot be ordered but it should be earned.

After 1946, his philosophical career was cut short when his country needed him as ambassador to UNESCO and later to Moscow. He was later to become the first Vice-President and finally the President (1962-1967) of India. He was awarded the Bharat Ratna in 1954. The University of Oxford instituted the Radhakrishnan Chevening Scholarships and the Radhakrishnan Memorial Award in his memory. He also received the Peace Prize of the German Book Trade in 1961.

Even as the president Sarvepalli remained a humble man. It was an open house at the Rashtrapati Bhavan and people from all sections of society were welcome to meet him. In addition he accepted only Rs. 2,500 out of his salary of Rs. 10,000 and donated the remaining amount to the Prime Minister’s National Relief Fund every month. He remained a teacher in many ways and even adopted the authoritative tone of a headmaster in many of his letters to his ministers. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan passed away on April 17, 1975.

 

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/09/teachers-day/

On Teachers’ Day

By: Seram Neken The most probable government job for an average unemployed graduate in Manipur at present is either to become a government school teacher or to become a rifleman… Read more »

Whenever I encounter the word ‘Oxymoron’, I remember my beloved teacher, the late educationist Ningombam Ibobi Singh who was teaching political science during my college days in D.M College nearly two decades back. He introduced me the term ‘Oxymoron’, which refers to a compound word formed by two opposite words such as ‘carefully-careless’. With the coming of teachers’ day, I recall this great personality who once said ‘ if the past and the present are in agreement, future will be bright and if the past is contradictory to the present, future will be dim’.  Really speaking, if the present generation neglects and disobeys the elders, we can hardly produce good citizens in future, meaning our children won’t pay heed to our words. As long as we respect our elders, our children will obey us and their future will be bright. Oja Ibobi is not in our midst now, but his teachings are increasingly becoming relevant day by day. This article is my homage to the late teacher on teachers’ day.

By: Seram Neken

The most probable government job for an average unemployed graduate in Manipur at present is either to become a government school teacher or to become a rifleman in home department. A few better-off students opt to serve as private school teachers when they can’t buy positions in the government sector. Many other remain working in private banks as collectors or otherwise. Young graduates’ quest to become teachers or serve in security forces is due to dearth of other employment avenues for the thousands of degree-holder youths and lack of education quality in the state. Earlier, most of the average graduates had yearned to become a clerk in government departments, but nowadays such jobs are scarcely vacant. Most educated graduates even sold out their assets only to buy positions as teacher or policeman. If average people come to teaching profession for earning their livelihood, quality of knowledge imparted to students is sure to be diminished. Teaching profession should be made a different one, if we desire to mould a bright future generation.

India celebrates Teachers’ Day on 5th September every year, coinciding the birthday of Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan since 1962. A philosopher and a teacher par excellence, his unique contributions towards Indian education system have been remembered for all times. He believed “teachers should be the best minds in the country”. One day, some of his students and friends requested Dr. Radhakrishnan to allow them to celebrate his birthday. He replied “instead of celebrating my birthday separately, it would be my proud privilege if 5th September is observed as Teachers’ day”. From then onwards, Dr. Radhakrishnan’s birthday is observed as Teacher’s Day all across India.

Born on 5th September, 1888 at Tirutani, Madras in a poor Brahmin family, Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan rose to the positions of the first Vice President and the second President of independent India. As his family was poor, Radhakrishnan supported most of his education through scholarships. He had his early education at Gowdie School, Tiruvallur and then went to the Lutheran Mission School in Tirupati for his high school. He joined the Voorhee’s College in Vellore and later switched to the Madras Christian College. He did his B.A. and M.A. in Philosophy.

After completing his M.A., Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan accepted an Assistant Lectureship at the Madras Presidency College in 1909. In college, he mastered the classics of Hindu philosophy, namely the Upanishads, Bhagvad Gita, Brahmasutra, and commentaries of Sankara, Ramunuja and Madhava. He also acquainted himself with Buddhist and Jain philosophy and philosophies of Western thinkers such as Plato, Plotinus, Kant, Bradley and Bergson. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan was selected as Professors of Philosophy at Mysore University in 1918 and at Calcutta University in 1921. In 1923, he published “Indian Philosophy”, which is hailed as a philosophical classic and a literary masterpiece. When Oxford University invited Radhakrishnan to deliver lectures on Hindu philosophy, he used his lectures as a platform to further India’s cause of freedom. He also argued that Western philosophers, despite all claims to objectivity, were biased by theological influences from their wider culture. He showed that Indian philosophy, once translated into standard academic jargon, is worthy of being called philosophy by Western standards. He thus placed Indian Philosophy on the world map.

Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan was elected Vice Chancellor of the Andhra University in 1931 and he became the Vice Chancellor of the Banaras Hindu University in 1939. In 1946, he was appointed as Ambassador to UNESCO. In 1948, Dr. Radhakrishnan chaired the University Education Commission, the suggestions of which helped mould the education system for independent India’s needs.

In 1949, he was sent as an ambassador to Soviet Union where he helped laid the foundation for a strong relationship between India and Soviet Union. Radhakrishnan was elected first Vice-President of India in 1952. He was honored with the Bharat Ratna in 1954. After serving two terms as Vice-President, he became the second President of India in 1962. During his tenure as President, India fought wars with China and Pakistan. He retired as President in 1967 and died on April 17, 1975.

The importance of Teachers’ Day celebration may simply be assessed from the view that teachers act as foundation for creating responsible citizens of a state and good human beings in the society. Life without teachers is unimaginable. Words fail to appreciate teachers enough for their immense contribution in lives of many. Teachers’ Day is celebrated to show our acknowledgement and recognition of the hard work put in by them towards development of mankind. Schools all over India celebrate the Day with students presenting gifts to their most admired teachers. It is an equally special day for teachers, as they get to know how much they are liked and appreciated by their pupils. Teachers are more than just an employee; they are the beacons of light for the next generation. Apart from knowledge, teaching profession requires a lot of hard work, dedication, sincerity and a guiding attitude, without which a teacher is not a teacher at all.

The writer is a freelance columnist

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/09/on-teachers-day/

On Teachers’ Day

By: Seram Neken The most probable government job for an average unemployed graduate in Manipur at present is either to become a government school teacher or to become a rifleman… Read more »

Whenever I encounter the word ‘Oxymoron’, I remember my beloved teacher, the late educationist Ningombam Ibobi Singh who was teaching political science during my college days in D.M College nearly two decades back. He introduced me the term ‘Oxymoron’, which refers to a compound word formed by two opposite words such as ‘carefully-careless’. With the coming of teachers’ day, I recall this great personality who once said ‘ if the past and the present are in agreement, future will be bright and if the past is contradictory to the present, future will be dim’.  Really speaking, if the present generation neglects and disobeys the elders, we can hardly produce good citizens in future, meaning our children won’t pay heed to our words. As long as we respect our elders, our children will obey us and their future will be bright. Oja Ibobi is not in our midst now, but his teachings are increasingly becoming relevant day by day. This article is my homage to the late teacher on teachers’ day.

By: Seram Neken

The most probable government job for an average unemployed graduate in Manipur at present is either to become a government school teacher or to become a rifleman in home department. A few better-off students opt to serve as private school teachers when they can’t buy positions in the government sector. Many other remain working in private banks as collectors or otherwise. Young graduates’ quest to become teachers or serve in security forces is due to dearth of other employment avenues for the thousands of degree-holder youths and lack of education quality in the state. Earlier, most of the average graduates had yearned to become a clerk in government departments, but nowadays such jobs are scarcely vacant. Most educated graduates even sold out their assets only to buy positions as teacher or policeman. If average people come to teaching profession for earning their livelihood, quality of knowledge imparted to students is sure to be diminished. Teaching profession should be made a different one, if we desire to mould a bright future generation.

India celebrates Teachers’ Day on 5th September every year, coinciding the birthday of Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan since 1962. A philosopher and a teacher par excellence, his unique contributions towards Indian education system have been remembered for all times. He believed “teachers should be the best minds in the country”. One day, some of his students and friends requested Dr. Radhakrishnan to allow them to celebrate his birthday. He replied “instead of celebrating my birthday separately, it would be my proud privilege if 5th September is observed as Teachers’ day”. From then onwards, Dr. Radhakrishnan’s birthday is observed as Teacher’s Day all across India.

Born on 5th September, 1888 at Tirutani, Madras in a poor Brahmin family, Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan rose to the positions of the first Vice President and the second President of independent India. As his family was poor, Radhakrishnan supported most of his education through scholarships. He had his early education at Gowdie School, Tiruvallur and then went to the Lutheran Mission School in Tirupati for his high school. He joined the Voorhee’s College in Vellore and later switched to the Madras Christian College. He did his B.A. and M.A. in Philosophy.

After completing his M.A., Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan accepted an Assistant Lectureship at the Madras Presidency College in 1909. In college, he mastered the classics of Hindu philosophy, namely the Upanishads, Bhagvad Gita, Brahmasutra, and commentaries of Sankara, Ramunuja and Madhava. He also acquainted himself with Buddhist and Jain philosophy and philosophies of Western thinkers such as Plato, Plotinus, Kant, Bradley and Bergson. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan was selected as Professors of Philosophy at Mysore University in 1918 and at Calcutta University in 1921. In 1923, he published “Indian Philosophy”, which is hailed as a philosophical classic and a literary masterpiece. When Oxford University invited Radhakrishnan to deliver lectures on Hindu philosophy, he used his lectures as a platform to further India’s cause of freedom. He also argued that Western philosophers, despite all claims to objectivity, were biased by theological influences from their wider culture. He showed that Indian philosophy, once translated into standard academic jargon, is worthy of being called philosophy by Western standards. He thus placed Indian Philosophy on the world map.

Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan was elected Vice Chancellor of the Andhra University in 1931 and he became the Vice Chancellor of the Banaras Hindu University in 1939. In 1946, he was appointed as Ambassador to UNESCO. In 1948, Dr. Radhakrishnan chaired the University Education Commission, the suggestions of which helped mould the education system for independent India’s needs.

In 1949, he was sent as an ambassador to Soviet Union where he helped laid the foundation for a strong relationship between India and Soviet Union. Radhakrishnan was elected first Vice-President of India in 1952. He was honored with the Bharat Ratna in 1954. After serving two terms as Vice-President, he became the second President of India in 1962. During his tenure as President, India fought wars with China and Pakistan. He retired as President in 1967 and died on April 17, 1975.

The importance of Teachers’ Day celebration may simply be assessed from the view that teachers act as foundation for creating responsible citizens of a state and good human beings in the society. Life without teachers is unimaginable. Words fail to appreciate teachers enough for their immense contribution in lives of many. Teachers’ Day is celebrated to show our acknowledgement and recognition of the hard work put in by them towards development of mankind. Schools all over India celebrate the Day with students presenting gifts to their most admired teachers. It is an equally special day for teachers, as they get to know how much they are liked and appreciated by their pupils. Teachers are more than just an employee; they are the beacons of light for the next generation. Apart from knowledge, teaching profession requires a lot of hard work, dedication, sincerity and a guiding attitude, without which a teacher is not a teacher at all.

The writer is a freelance columnist

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/09/on-teachers-day/

Meeting Notes: Anna Hazare and Sharmila Irom

  By Chitra Ahanthem It was 1997, the year India was marking her 50th year of Independence. There would have been many celebrations of this momentous occasion but only one… Read more »

 

By Chitra Ahanthem
It was 1997, the year India was marking her 50th year of Independence. There would have been many celebrations of this momentous occasion but only one unique observation of this historical timeline stays on with me: a NGO based in Mumbai was taking about 250 young people from India and across the world to places of India’s history and future in a train specially reserved for the purpose! The announcement was made on a popular cultural TV program (which we don’t see the likes of now) called Surabhi beamed on Doordarshan and various other newspapers. It was a happy moment when I got confirmation that I was to be one of the said young people on the train that would ultimately travel for 11 days across the country facilitating interactions with people who were inspiring: Mark Tully, Abdul Kalam (then with ISRO and who talked us then of the possibility of an Indian moon mission which did become a reality!), Bunker Roy of Tillonia (married to Aruna Roy and behind hugely successful rural enterprises, water harvesting, adult literacy among others in Tillonia in Rajashthan), Kiran Bedi (much before her controversial stint in Mizoram) and Anna Hazare who was known at that point of time mostly for his pioneering work in Ralegan Siddhi, a village in Ahmednagar district, Maharashtra.

The said rail yatra was mainly organized to instill in young people the essence of leadership, innovation and social development. The routine was that we would be traveling in the train non-stop till we reached the places we were meant to be and then getting back to the train for the night. So, there was an air of curiosity when we were told that we would have an overnight stay at Ralegan Siddhi to meet a Gandhian who had taken up rural conservation and community work. The villagers took us around the place and we were told how small canals had been dug up to generate water flow. But it was two things that impressed me greatly: a school for juvenile children and the practice of Shramdaan or volunteer work as a form of social charity. The school had classrooms but if the children so wanted, classes would be held under the shade of trees in the open. There were yoga classes for “anger management” while most constructions in the village: the small dams, solar panels, wells, places of worship were all built through Shramdaan.

In the evening, we sat in a community hall and then, in walked Anna who spoke of his “second life” (he was the lone survivor during an enemy attack during an India-Pakistan war). We talked then mostly of philosophy and working for social upliftment. Like many of my fellow yatris, we thought nothing much about questioning his rigid stand against alcoholics (they were beaten up, period) and I even piped in my two bit and told him how Nishabandi women in Manipur were also doing the same! It would take me some years to understand the concept of public health and harm reduction and see that the greater crime of punitive measures on substance abusers only marginalizes them and do nothing about addressing the dependency. Anna Hazare’s activism against corruption started later and one cannot say much of what happened in between. But personally, the posturing Anna that one sees on TV (wagging fingers and dictating terms) is a very different person from the Anna I met all those years ago. The Anna then actually asked us young people on what we thought he should incorporate more into his work in his village in terms of forest and water conservation etc. The Anna one gets to see now refuses any kind of disagreement with his thoughts and beliefs.

November 2000 and a young woman called Irom Sharmila decided to fast to protest after 10 civillians were gunned down at Malom. My first reaction then (and I am/ not ashamed to own up to this now) was that it would be some token fast. Some days later, there was the “fast against AFSPA till the act is taken off” context and I thought that hers was an illogical/irrational and totally crazy stand to take. I also shrugged it off as “some group must be behind her” motive. I totally bought the “AFSPA is necessary till there are insurgents” theory for quite a long time till my own readings on militarism and armed conflicts around the world and conflict resolution/reconciliation processes made me sit up and engage in some serious questioning.

The first meeting happened in March 2009 during her customary yearly release. It was total chaos: there was a meeting of over 50 odd woman journalists from all over the country happening in Imphal and they all wanted to meet her. And then, there was the usual local media attention too. The first meeting was more of a brief sighting especially since I did not believe I needed to add my own questions to the many that were being addressed to her.

The second meeting happened in a unique setting: something that I have only shared with a few friends but one that can be let out in the public domain now. January 2010 saw me with very high fever after a trip to Bangkok and my Uncle, a doctor asked me to get a swine flu test done. Since he was with Jawarlal Nehru hospital then, I went there. Those who follow news would be aware that I was tested positive for swine flu but much before that news broke, I was raising hell over the state of the isolation ward at the hospital. What I did not want to call attention to the media then was that while I was standing outside the isolation ward with the face mask on, waiting for hospital staff to find the keys to the room (they took about an hour and a half!) I saw a familiar figure some 10 metres away from me. It was Sharmila Irom! My heart plummeted inside me: here was this one person I wanted to talk with and I was supposedly at risk of an infection that I could pass on to her. I have a small face and the mask covered most of it and I saw Iche Sharmila looking quizzically at me. I rolled my eyes at her and hoped that she would not come near (I did not want to be responsible for her health!). When eventually, my test results came in positive, I wasn’t too worried about my own health (I did not take Tamiflu medication) or my family (they did not have any fever) but I obsessively kept an ear open for any news on Sharmila’s health!

In May 2010, I got third time lucky and I had a long meeting with Iche Sharmila. I was going along as a sort of translator for a journalist and writer. We talked mostly of non-political issues: of her books and poetry we talked at great length. And then she took both my hands and said solemnly, “remember when you were at this hospital with your mask on?” And then she laughed and told me, “you don’t know the amount of activity and consternation that happened here after you left!” There was no air of moral superiority following the status of icon-hood that has settled on her: I was face to face with a unique person yes but also a normal human being, a young woman kept in isolation but very aware of the world around her.

End-point:
Many people have pitched Anna Hazare’s crusade against corruption and Sharmila Irom’s stand against AFSPA. But their stands are different and the battlefield totally apart from each other. My own interaction with both of them happened at different times and stages of their journey. But what stays on following my interactions with Iche Sharmila are the little ways in which she is so much a person than an icon. It is something that one does not get to see in other people who take on the mantle of greatness.

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Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/09/meeting-notes-anna-hazare-and-sharmila-irom/

Learning Can Be Fun

  By Bobo Khuraijam Other than petrol, cooking gas and diesel we desperately need something else. A book on ‘how to do it’ series or an educational video showing us… Read more »

 

By Bobo Khuraijam
Other than petrol, cooking gas and diesel we desperately need something else. A book on ‘how to do it’ series or an educational video showing us the same is urgently needed. Sure, we can also teach to the world of doing so many things with perfection. Those of us who resides along the highway can teach to the world about how a blockade is carried out; on how to pelt stones to the vehicles plying on the highway, how to aim only to the driver so that maximum damage is done to him, how to burn down a vehicle and push it down to the gorge without getting your fingers burned, how to collect tax like the man in uniform without wearing any uniform, how to choke the vital supplies of almost the whole populace by staying alive. We can also teach about enacting theatrics of scarcity. The teachers would be none other than our business fat cats who resides in Paona Bazar. They can teach you how a fake sense of helplessness is acted out to the customers. Maan laaktre eikhoisu upai leitre – we are helpless, the goods hasn’t arrived. But one thing is not. The water taps may run dry; the gas stations may smell dry but colorful liquors ‘made in everywhere’ are available in abundance. There is open sale in festive seasons. Bottle of any brands are sold on the pavements like vegetables. No Nisa Band or Meirapaibi worth their salt dare to enter this zone. This place is guarded by the statue of Rashtra Pita Mahatma Gandhi, and by those whose duty is to bag notes printed with the Mahatma from the fat cats. Those running this can teach what a BOLD business is and how it should be run. Reputed business schools with all kinds of names are invited to get admitted. Admission forms are available at MG Avenue. Last date of form submission is till the economic blockade last.

SOME MORE LESSONS: which no other human species on earth can teach. That is discipline and spirit of perseverance. We are the best in that field. The place of learning is time and space specific. Best season would be when there are economic blockade along the highways. We can teach how vehicles of all kinds are to be parked in a queue, in a row. One has to be informative of whether fuels will be issued by the stations or not. First come-first position, to be followed by the next vehicle and the next; nobody jumps the queue. No traffic control police on this earth could enforce that kind of discipline. The vehicles are parked one night ahead before the faithful morning. Each and every owner has to surrender their sense of security of the vehicles by leaving it behind. The poor vehicles happily spent the night together – A vehicular orgy of one night stand. When morning falls, the owners return to the spot where they had left their vehicles; waiting for one’s turn, without taking over the other needs perseverance of a strange kind. We do not know how many of them actually follow traffic rules on regular days. But for the miraculous act displayed at the gas station during the time of economic blockade is certainly a lesson to be imparted to the world.

WHY WE NEED: the ‘how to do it’ lessons? To demand for something rightful or to protest against something unacceptable to our collective self, as expert commentators put it, is an epitome of a modern democratic society. But there are pitfalls when we try to picture on the ‘how to’ part. We may claim ourselves to be a nation rich with the heritage of powerful revolts and uprisings. The last century saw two uprising where women took to forefront. There was also the revolt against the mighty English colonisers. We lost some and won some as well. They are engraved for posterity so that the present generation and the generations to come could revisit the events, if possible, reinterpret them and place them across the board for a better comprehension, and make a new meaning out of it. That would help us envisage a future free from the present maladies. the means of getting a rightful demand, or means of championing it, always ask for an imaginative exercise for the structure of the  then social order have changed now, the nature of the one who is going to give the demand have changed. No wonder, the air is much more polluted now. In recent times, we have seen many groups demanding their rights. Protests are taken out in different forms when the demands are not met. On the other hand the ‘right giver’ would use coercive force in the name of maintaining peace and order. At times they would engage in systematic witch hunt of those who are at the helms. This kind of action destroys the moral fabric of the agitating side. Moreover the ‘right giver’ is over-equipped to man any group or individual who dare to assert their right. We have many a times seen the ‘right giver’ maintaining a solemn silence; as if they are the kings and kin of the mythological Hindu epic Ramayana, where everyone is happy and prosperous, and nobody have a complaint of any sort. However, having said that, at this critical juncture would it be an exaggeration to plead to our brothers who are presently taking out agitations on the highway to use their imagination a bit to champion their cause. If they think that strangulating someone is a rightful means of asserting a demand, then there is a serious crisis of error of judgment, thereby defecating on their own sense of wisdom, and trampling the rightful cause by their own insensible boots. There are lessons which we can always learn and unlearn together.

FOOTNOTE: a journalist who went to cover the Anna episode took an autorikshaw for the return journey. The driver charged unreasonably, he said he will drive with the meter when the Lokpal Bill is passed. Leipung Ningthou calls it, “Chinese na Olympic ta gold medal louraroi haiduna washakpa”.

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Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/09/learning-can-be-fun/

Nero Fiddled when Rome Burned: It is for real

  By Amar Yumnam Nero was an Emperor of the Roman Empire in the beginning of Christian era. He is considered by history as one of the most irresponsible, irresponsive,… Read more »

 

By Amar Yumnam
Nero was an Emperor of the Roman Empire in the beginning of Christian era. He is considered by history as one of the most irresponsible, irresponsive, non-transparent and gory ruler. In fact, he symbolises any ruler who rocks and rolls when his empire is in danger.  We never imagined that Nero would ever be a reality in our part of the world. We have had, not very distant in the past, a ruler who sacrificed and risked everything to protect the image, prestige and glory of our kingdom in King Gambhir. It goes beyond our farthest imaginations that in this land of Gambhir and people who still cherish the legacy of him, we would be experiencing a situation similar to the era of Nero. While the people have been longing for a return of the Gambhir era of pride and progression, they have instead been presented with a Nero treatment.

Fire Upon Fire: We have been living, we have been experiencing and we know for sure that the last few decades have not been an era of progression for Manipur, state or non-state. We also know that these years of negative experiences coupled with the lack of responsive and responsible governance have taken a heavy toll on the body polity as well as body society of Manipur. The last few years have been particularly damaging in this respect. Although we still encounter the problem of contestation of state, we now have to face what I have repeatedly called the fractionalisation of the society of Manipur along ethnic lines. So the society and polity of Manipur now faces the biggest challenge of remaining intact and coherent. Manipur is no doubt burning. This longer run burning is now manifested in the most acute crisis of availability of essentials for modern life and livelihood. This being the situation facing the land today, the question naturally arises as to whether Nero should be indulging in rock and roll. Should Nero be leaving his kingdom behind at all at this historically critical juncture of acute multiple crises?

The Issue: Nero leaving his homeland behind in the mercy of an engulfing fire is no problem if he were just a commoner. But here the reality is that he is the ruler. Now this ruler has much larger implications than the original Nero of the first century in the sense that the former is Nero under democracy. Being so, he is head of the people. The moment we talk about the head of the people, the implications get multiplied. Being head of the people and in his capacity as head of the governance machinery, he represents the state and the state speaks through him. This is where the issue begins when Nero leaves his kingdom behind.

The state, which is represented by Nero in socio-politico-economic manifestations, is the highest form of institution evolved by human beings. But the state as prevailing in Manipur yet has not reached the stage of ensuring participation, inclusiveness, stability and growth. While it has yet to attain the stage of naturalness and stability with the masses, it is not even the “composite reality and a mythicized abstraction” of Foucault. Manipur is now at the stage of political evolution and political economic dynamics where the state should rather be seen as “a practice….inseparable from the set of practices by which the state actually became a way of governing, a way of doing things.”  We are now at that very stage where we need to revisit the state again and again in order that it acquires an innate capability to evolve practices of governance adequate enough to ensure participation, inclusiveness and social stability.

This requirement is all the more significant in the case of Manipur and given the post-World War II experiences of civil war. The prevalence of mountainous regions, the existence of multiple ethnic groups and fractionalization among them, and the lack of growth have been given prominence among the most prominent factors facilitating the onset of civil war. The heart shudders to imagine of Manipur in this context of global experience and the messages the fractionalized population might deduce from the absence of Nero at this point in time.

International Dimension: Now let us see if we can somehow justify the leaving behind of his kingdom by Nero. International relations do no doubt constitute a very important element of modern governance. So let us grant our Nero a provisional space of being contemporary in his approach, and endeavouring to attract investment to his kingdom. Well, here we have three reservations. Japan is a country which now symbolises “years of stagnation”. In this age of active pursuance of integration in Asia by both ASEAN and Asian Development Bank, can we justifiably think of leapfrogging over South East Asian brothers and closing on the East Asian ones.

Further, attracting investment is no joke. In other words, it necessarily involves arousing the “animal spirits” of the investors (a phrase coined by the indomitable twentieth century economist, Jon Maynard Keynes). In this something like the birds of the same feather flock together prevails. Once a set of investors enjoy the spell of animal spirits in Manipur context, other investors would as well follow. But here arises the critical reality. No burning Rome can arouse the animal spirits of investors anywhere. Indeed, the Roman civilisation declined.

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Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/09/nero-fiddled-when-rome-burned-it-is-for-real/

Oh! My Leader Security Perspectives Area Chingmeirong

By RS Jassal As evidenced from Part I, Chingmeirong specially Sangkapham remains a security concern for the State. So let us get serious on security aspects Chingmeirong. It is known,… Read more »

By RS Jassal
As evidenced from Part I, Chingmeirong specially Sangkapham remains a security concern for the State. So let us get serious on security aspects Chingmeirong. It is known, this area is a mini Manipur not devoid of even a single community/tribe inhabiting it who can be found in all corners of Manipur. Prior to opening police outpost there was Municipal (Octoroi) Post, now this out post stands upgraded to Police Station declared by the current SPA Government. There are important  schools and institutes like Don Bosco, DAV Public School, St. Anthony’s High School, Govt. Primary  and Middle Class School, Kiddies Corner, D’Regina English High School & so on. Some important business oriented establishments like Maruti Eastern Motors   Workshop  , Show room, Arun Enterprise big godowns are there all having protuberance potentials. Coming up State Assembly  Complex, State High Court Complex, Autonomous District  Council , IIT Complex and IOC Oil Dumps all add to the future addition of traffic. Curiously enough, Manipur Govt. has thought of keeping width of road (NH) from Khongang- ani-Karak to Sangakpam the most narrow a stretch as compared to entire Koirengei  to Thoubal road  passing through Singjamei. By  any counts it should have been wider or al least   if not at  par with general width of the road. ISBT (under construction) close by also dictates that width deserves to be kept  more. This above has been depicted that flow of men, women, children and vehicular traffic will always remain  so, with ever increase in volume and speed.

Under the present & the same CM, the then Chief Secretary Shri Jarnail Singh, the then speaker of LA Shri Haokip and two Engineers conducted detailed study of linking Police Station from NH to Capitol Project on one side and High Court on the other through our two houses (Myself, Edmund, Ranjit- and Dharam Chand Jain) with sufficiently wide road to link up with Central Agriculture University through Thangmeiband (North), Tarung Kabui area. It was immensely  a good security plan. The areas to be cut were properly marked and owners no objection was also taken . Imagine incident of Aug One blast, how fast  the Police could have covered all the northern exit routes in hot pursuit or blocking on red alert. But scheme is abandoned or otherwise is not known. Most of the locals interacted with me being a free lance writer & they  asked, “ Col Sahib do you think VDF with sticks in hand are fit to be employed on policing duties instead of MR / IRB?” I definitely  feel  and incline to agree with them in  ‘NO’. However VDF are a vast  source of intelligence gathering pool available to the state than loitering in two(s) & three(s) with duties to simply gaze at the passers by. So Govt. may do some thinking on it. For public participation in police duty, some influential persons of (either gender) be identified with whom VDF can have easy access & our intelligence deficit can be made up on priority basis. With a compact State like ours it is not an impossible task. Even the killing of IGP Vanthuam Paite, IPS has not left any message for the State cops. Every time a thing of this nature happens, reports appear in media ‘investigation launched’ , ‘incident condemned’  & ‘no recurrence will be tolerated’ . That is end of it. Everyone was concerned & keen to know what  happened to Wungnaosung’s ambush. At Ukhrul (Lamphu village) one couple was shot dead and crime admitted by NSCN(IM) but no report & action from the Govt. side made public so far.

Along with the developmental activities, security placing need equal consideration.  IRB units need given their proper places in hill districts i.e., purpose for which they were raised. Security road as planned by the Govt. should have been aligned long back needs now doing on priority . VDF engagements be reviewed at the earliest under respective Districts. Same strength can be adjusted against DIB i.e., District Intelligence Bureau as Mizoram and Nagaland are doing. It needs noting terrorist activity is not helping any body or group; it’s a wild goose chase, dividing the homogeneity of ethnicity just self pleasing to the terrorist leaders in their own realms.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/09/oh-my-leader-security-perspectives-area-chingmeirong/

Peace In Manipur; Its Different Dimensions

By Priyadarshni M. Gangte, “Peace cannot be kept by force. It can only be achieved by understanding”         – Albert Einstein. The word “Peace” means freedom from cessation of war, i.e…. Read more »

By Priyadarshni M. Gangte,
“Peace cannot be kept by force. It can only be achieved by understanding”
        – Albert Einstein.
The word “Peace” means freedom from cessation of war, i.e. peace with honour, peace at any price (J.B. Sykes (ed) : The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current English (7th Edition), Oxford University Press, 1987, p.753). Leiren (Dr. L. Leiren’s Article, “Peace Education in the 21st Century.” Imphal Free Press, 1st Sept., 2006) has elegantly contended that “peace” as a comprehensive enterprise that requires a transformation in our thinking sense of valued wills, resources and solidarity of all. Thus, it is a way of life in which one experiences inner tranquility, harmonious relationships and an interconnectedness with the world. Moreover, the term connotes in the real sense a state of Being (Net). It is about honouring and nurturing our spiritual side.

As our topic concentrates solely around “Peace”, it is pertinent to have some more definition of the same (Net):

“Peace is associated with clarity, and with an inner stillness that often gives rise to playfulness and inspired activity. So, while peace does come from non-resistance and acceptance of what is, it is not necessarily a state of passivity; rather it gives rise to choices that are free from automatic resistance …”

“… peace means being at peace with whatever is going on, so that any individual is aware of her or his inner reactions and can respond from a place of compassion and understanding …”

“… an inner state in which we are calmly impervious to whatever comes into our awareness of a distressing or inharmonious nature …”

“… peace does not mean to be in a place where there is no noise, trouble or hard work. Peace means to be in the midst of all these things and still be calm in our heart. That is the real meaning of peace”, and,

* Presented in the 2-Day State Level Seminar on Kabow Valley and How To Bring Peace In Manipur, organised by Dr. Suresh; Centre for Foreign Studies And Placement in association with Cultural and Historical Research Trust, Manipur at the Central Library Hall, Imphal on 30-31st July, 2011.

“Peace means a quite stillness within oneself …, a completeness and a knowingness that everything is as it should be. A stillness so deep, that we know that each moment, each hour, each tomorrow is in this stillness waiting to blossom. Within this stillness there is no judgement, hatred, anger only a perfect stillness … a swelling of love …”

Before the advent of British rule in India, it was, of course, of varieties of small and big kingdoms, since the inception of sixteen Mahajanapadas with which led to the emergence of Maurya Empire in BC’s and still carrying her legacy upto the Mughal Empire. Such phenomenon have had not been witnessed or noticed by the North-eastern India, however in different ways of uniqueness these regions have their respective own histories. It will not wrong to say that independent India abruptly adopted democracy, without any having any taste and feel of the same. Further, after six decades and more being a democratic country masses in general and elite and other sections/groups in particular do not understand the actual meaning of democracy yet.

It is pathetic that the Indian State has not toed the democratic norms. Rather, on security point of view, the Indian state either simply copied the draconian laws of the colonial as referred by Baxi (Upendra Baxi : The Crises of the Indian Legal System, Delhi Law Review, 1982; p.43) and even made new extraordinary and harsher laws in maintaining law and order and tackling insurgency movements in the country. Some of these laws that have been quite abusively used – Punjab Security of State Act, 1953, The Assam Maintenance of Public Order (Autonomous Districts) Act, 1958, The Terrorist And Disruptive (Prevention) Act, 1987, The Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance (POTO), 2001, repealed etc, etc. It has been experienced oft and again that these extraordinary laws do not solve the problems of people’s dissent and insurgency movements. Instead the common people have been the victims of the atrocious laws. While the Terrorist and Disruptive (Prevention) Act, 1987 has lapsed after wide protests, the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958 is still being promulgated in various states, particularly, the North East India. Sharmila has been undergoing fast unto death for complete removal of the Act. Scores of concerned civil society organisations including Sharmila Kanba Lup and the intelligentsia among others have been launching movements against any further promulgation of such Act, the authority has ever been arrogant. In fact the Act does not tune with the social reality (B.B. Pandey, Right To Life On Death ? : For Bharat Both Cannot Be ‘Right’, Supreme Court Cases, Delhi Law Review, 1994, 4(SS(J); p.24). Thus, we experienced gross violation of human rights of the common peoples (Prakash Louis and R. Vashum : Extraordinary Laws In India, Indian Social Institute, New Delhi, 2004, p.9). Sanajaoba (Keynote address by Prof. N. Sanajaoba “Human Rights Standard- Setting, Constitutionalism And Repressive Laws in Armed Conflict Situation” in the Seminar-cum-Workshop on Human Rights And Repressive Laws at L. M. S. Law College, Im
phal, Manipur with the Initiative from the Centre for Humanitarian Law Studies and Research, Law Faculty, Guwahati University, organized by the college on 28-29 October, 2004) observed “subjugation has become the political culture”.

As far as to bring peace in Manipur is concerned, we need to trace back the past historical event, that is, of course, the causes and consequences of what we are facing to-day. Moreover, deprivation of justices, particularly political, economic, social, etc. were on the high. It is an empirical fact, that Manipuris have been protesting against even the British regime, can be clearly known from events, the First and Second Nupilals, Anglo-Manipuri War, Anglo-Kuki War, Irawat’s and Zeliangrong movements. Despite this situation, Merger of Manipur to the Indian Dominion and placed as part C state also had added fuel to the fire. As a setback there came up the secessionist movements. Manipur being very aloof from others was also a economic backward state (Ksh. Bimola; while delivering speech on the subject “Political Movements in Manipur” in the Refresher course Programme of History Department, Manipur University conducted by the Department of History with sponsorship of U.G.C. on 7/3/2005).

What intelligentsia and policy of our areas especially Manipur, popularly believe the future prospects of development and political stability of our regions lie in the Look East Policy, is, however, Roy (The Future of North-East –Need to Look East or Look All Around, an article by Prof. J.J.Roy Burman published in the Sangai Express, Nov. 19, 2010) has flatly refuted that it cannot be a panacea to the lingering problem of North-East, apart from the pangs of formation of an arbitrarily created nation – State with artificial borders, lies in the imposition of a system of parliamentary democracy based on the colonial legacy of constituency formation that hinges on the population logic.

Moreover, absence of a smooth transition and the non-existence of a just outcome at the end of the tunnel have made our youths absolutely restless and prone to addiction to drugs (Amar Yumnam’s view in the Imphal Free Press titled Youths, Drugs and Justice : Absence of Smooth Transition, Sunday April 24, 2011) concentrating only on bringing to book the addicted youths through the strong hand of the law enforcing agencies would amount to addressing the substantive grievances without ever bothering at the root cause of the issues involved (Ibid). And obvious response of the UG ‘taxation’ to the present strategy of the Manipur Police would for it to go further underground (Culture of corruption and extortion – Hindrance to Social Progress – Paper presented by Pradip Phanjoubam in the Seminar-cum-Workshop on Human Rights and Repressive Laws, Initiated by CHLS&R Law Faculty, Gauhati University, organised by the college on 28-29 October, 2004).

Likewise, women related institutions starting from prostitution, extortions, trafficking of women to other states, involving in transporting arms and ammunition are the social menace of today’s society. It is pertinent to look into the cause of such activities and try to solve by the authority instead blaming or otherwise such as “selfish claiming”.

Human Right awareness is of course the need of the hour, every individual should be given the education of Human Right. State forces as well as the state actors are the one in their attitude towards masses. Thus Human Right should be incorporated in the text, curriculum, syllabus starting right from the grass-root level so that any discrepancy would not take place, any more by forces of different “departments” of “groups” (groups).

Apart from the death, the most hated Human Rights abuses committed by the security forces are the so-called “Punishment attacks” when people suspected of “antisocial behaviour” (usually young male) are shot or beaten, usually in or on the hand, kneecaps or ankles, ‘Third-degree torture’ methods are subjected to.

In relation to a number of high profile deaths, the government has reached very slowly to calls for public inquiries to determine whether there is any collusion. Thus, State forces should have a Serious Crime Review Team looking at unsolved killing and occasionally of course, the “Police Ombudsman”, may (better than the CBI) can help if new evidence to such deaths comes to light.

The Manipur Human Right Commission is urged to do the utmost to persuade and the state actors, the political parties and the community and voluntary sectors to its proposal for a Bill of Rights for Manipuris. Meanwhile, the commission should endeavour to urge still improvements in a variety of more specific content such as mental care and human rights education (edited by R.Kumar, A. Puri, S. Naithani : What Makes A Peace Process Irreversible – A Delhi Policy Group Publication – Delhi, 3, 2005, p.63).

Peace will prevail in Manipur when, inter alia, females are also honoured as ‘Devis’ (Goddesses) as apostles of peace and any attempt to touch them with carnal, pernicious, lusty, adulterous desire to enjoy with her body and spoil her sanctity and image, including dowry deaths and torture, domestic violence, mental harassment and all sorts of discrimination specially the abduction and kidnapping of women – extreme violation of human rights considered as the greatest sin (The International Journal of Peace Studies – edited by Paitoon Patyaiying, Charernpradit, Muang, Pattani 94000, Thailand, Vol.2, No.2, Dec. 1999; p.22).

Manipur is passing through one of the most critical periods in its long history, and as is usual with all transitional phases, is full of stress and uncertainty. what she needs today as never before in its history is intellectual, moral and spiritual guidance if it is to survive its own destruction. “Ethnic brotherhood concept” should be applied to all fields of human activity – politics, economics, sociology, science, education, etc, and then peace and prosperity will ultimately prevail. Every individual is a unity in the make up of family, societies, communities and nations, having being inspired and implemented their ideal into practical lives – resorted to a profound effect on the society, community and nation. Thus peace cannot be brought at all without individual peace.

Basic needs are the basic things required to living human beings, in particular of course, animals, plants and trees and environmental consequences and biodiversity in general. Let us observe what have eminent scholars opined : According to Baxi (Upendra Baxi’s article “Social Change, Criminality And Social Control in India, in the Essays on Crime And Development, ed by Ugljesa Zvekic, United Nation Interregional Crime Justice Research Institute, Rome, 1990, p.44) “basic needs” are the human rights, if not deemed by the State, then brings “consequent anarchy”, so the first and foremost duty of the authority is to consider “human rights” (K. Ponnuswami (ed) : Right To Basic Necessities Of Life, Delhi Law Review, Vol.10-11, 1981-82, Delhi University Press, Delhi – 7, 1983; p.3). Ibohal (Human Rights And Repressive Laws presented in the Seminar-cum-Workshop at L. M. S. Law College, Imphal organised by the College with the initiation from the centre for Humanitarian Law Studies and Research, Law Faculty, Gauhati
University on 28-29th October, 2004) also contended
“If a government violates and suppresses basic human rights and fundamental freedom people have a legitimate right to rebellion against such a government”.

Pande (B.B. Pandey, Professor of Law, Delhi University, while delivering his speech on Basic Needs on 8/4/1995, at Law Faculty Conference Hall, Campus Centre, Delhi University) has maintained that an individual’s basic need is his or her scheme of life. Basic needs must be treated as fundamental right. Whereas Karl Marx contended that the primary basic need is to have companion to perform productive work. And some of the recent writings, have focused on social needs in equality basis with full access to justice. Also, Amartya Sen, prefers and stresses to add another tier which describes as a meta right making possible to achieve the right. (Dworkien’s Theory of Background Rights and Institutional Rights – Website).

Moreover, in prioritizing human needs, the united nations has identified the following list of basic needs :- (i) Nutrition (ii) Shelter, (iii)health, (iv) education, (v) Leisure, (vi) Security (Physical safety and economic security and (vii) environment. And, of course, right to self-determination for “right” and basic needs are complimentary or obligatory to each other subject to unfulfilments of all the need, necessities of life by the authority. However, Conrad; while in his discourses clearly asserted that fulfillment. (K. Ponnuswami : (ibid)) by other social welfare countries like (Germany) / unfulfilment (India) of basic needs as guaranteed by the State is not in itself sufficient or likely to produce lasting social peace. It may be mentioned here, India having not ratified the entire covenant as yet has to explain its position on the matter to the effect that the reference to right of self-determination in Article of the International Covenant on, Economic, Social And Cultural Rights applied only to people under foreign domination, not to independent sovereign states or part of a people or nation. Moreover, in its report of 1991, India was to explain violation of Human Right due to enforcement of AFSPA in North-East of India particularly in Manipur though at present partly removed and Nagaland indicates that India has violated Article 1 of the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and so also the provisions of optional protocol. India needs to sign and ratify the protocol Additional I and II to Geneva Conventions, 1949, and 1988 Rome Treaty maintained by Pramod in his paper presented in the One-Day Workshop on International Humanitarian Law, Organised by the Royal Academy of Law, Oinam, Manipur with initiated by the Centre for Humanitarian Law Studies and Research Law Faculty, Gauhati University on 12th June, 2005. In the like manner, some groups of our “freedom fighter”, insurgents, etc, etc. Have also violates human rights. Apart from these, we being the citizen should also know our fundamental duties.

As far as justice is concerned, we have noticed and have a smell of it in different ways as propounded by authorities in eminence.

Stone (Julius Stone’s article “Justice and Not Equality” in Hastings Law Journal, 1978, Vol. 29.5; p.995) in his introduction, has maintained that one related tendency of social, political and jurisprudential theorists in the present century has been to seek criteria of justice of vastly simplified indeterminacy or ambiguity, such as ‘fairness’ and ‘equality’ in the hope of escaping the admitted perplexities involved in grappling directly with question of justice and peace.

Whereas, Rawls (John Rawls : A Theory of Justice, Oxford University Press; London, 1972; p.3) opined “Justice” as the first virtue of social institutions, as truth is of systems of thought. A theory however, elegant and economical must be rejected or revised if it is untrue; likewise laws and institutions no matter how efficient and well arranged must be reformed or abolished if they are unjust. Each person possesses an inviolability founded on justice that even the welfare of society as a whole cannot override.

Indian legal system is based on colonial idea is, of course, an offshoot of the British India Legal System, how laws being received and the very reception of the same is termed as Top Down Models of the British Indian Legal System by Baxi (Upendra Baxi: (Ibid)). Thus reception of law and endeavouring to modernize the same will not go with the every aspects of day to day life in this present society particularly that of Manipur. Even the 14th Report of the Law Commission of India way back was in 1958, emphatically stated and urged the authority to reform the existing law that should not lie in the abandonment and replacing it by another. The real need of the hour is the inculcation of a higher sense of duty, a greater regard for public convenience, greater efficiency in all those concerned in the administration of justice. Yet, in this 2011’s, we still need the updation of law, i.e. an alternative law (laws) to go with the social reality in India in general however very specifically in states like Manipur.

Law and order operations considered essential for development and nation building also shelter a whole variety of legal and extra legal police and para-military violence (Ugljesa Zvekic (ed): (Ibid pp. 228-229). Progressive criminality of this nature is to be sure, a notoriously global phenomenon, and the use of fatal force by security forces in India, especially through “encounters” in term of art describing civilian casualties in dealing with dacoits, extremists, militants and now terrorists is alarming on the rise. Standard-less use of force by the very custodians of peoples security and well being seems in India justified as an aspect of development, here conceived in terms of reasons of state as reinforcing national unity and integration (Ibid : p.229).

In Europe, more autonomy is given to publics patients have the right to die, the system goes with globalisation, whereas, in India we have only the right to life (only in name sake). There is no crime in suiciding, in Switzerland, people who have been suffering from a boring prefer to die, state authorizes to end their lives, (B.B. Pande : Ibid.). In fact, there is no fantasy it is reality, for the right to die is a basic need for them.

The role of privileged class is very important though the nature and dimension of them is for deviance. How, identifying the “Privileged Class” as the elite class (on the basis of super qualities) or the ruling class (on the basis of ownership of means of production by the traditional and non traditional thinkers (K.S. Shukla (ed) : Other side of Development: Social-Psychological Implications, Sage Publications, N. Delhi, 1987; p.138). In general the term relates to the section or strata of the society who enjoy some kind of position of power or advantage over the rest of population. This group advocates even the laws are selfishly codified without slightest concern of the masses particularly the poorest of the poor and weaker sections of society including women – Super-discrimination. Hence, the law is repressive and negative aspect of the entire positive, civilizing activity undertaken by the State (Antonio Gramsci: State and Civil Society – Website). Also while dealing with cases, the courts maintain the domination of the ruling class by the law strictly. It is particularly high in the exceptional state because of the role of social forces which the supporting classes often play in particular the petty bourgeoisie (Nicos Paulantzas : The Exceptional State – Website).

Dr. Irengbam Mohendra Singh (calling Time on the most unsafe state in India – Manipur on a Swiss Model and article by Dr. I. M. Singh published in the Sangai Express on 24/4/2011) has suggested very apparently the political legitimacy is indeed central to the sustenance of Manipur identity. The existence of secessionist movements reflects a lack of legitimacy. The lack of state legitimacy relates to the rise of ethnic conflict and competing ethno-nationalism. Repressive policies to deal with ethnic dissent are counter-productive.

Like Switzerland, Manipur needs to transform itself into a multi-ethnic state with a sense of collective national identity, each community taking part in common institutions and practices, separated from a ‘culturalist’ and ethnic perspective (Ibid). Such a circle should devise how to build a composite Manipuri identity based on equality or autonomy within the framework of the existing state of Manipur Politicians with such broader aims in their manifestoes should be chosen to form a ‘unitary’ democratic government in Imphal subject to change the capital in the hill areas from time to time so that balancing the whole state regularly takes place in the widest social inclusiveness i.e. “equality indication”. Manipuri’s need a think tank or a policy institute i.e. a non-profit organisation that conducts research and engage in advocacy in areas such as economy, social policy or political strategy that will be fair to all ethnic groups, big or small. There must be ‘give and take’ approach rather than ‘take and give’ policy (Ibid).

Bringing peace in Manipur deals with the following perspectives :
1) Student power -Proper education – education does not mean degrees only – it means a transformation of mind in understanding issues at hand – the comely is facing. Education stabilizes roots of planning and achieving a sense of progress and development.
2) The idea of corruption – must cease, the Government must adopt ‘Zero Tolerance’ of corruption committed by officers, ministers and other sections in the socio-economic and political sectors. Rampant corruption must go.
3) Judicial system must be revamped.
4) Money meant for social development must be utilized for the same.
5) Opening up of economic sector.
6) Trade & commerce – employment generation and the urge of the youth to each a livelihood of dignity must be encouraged.
7) Manipur suffers from ‘indignity’ and callous approach of the authorities that be. It is a beautiful region with lots of potentialities these must be proved, planned and encouraged especially in the sector of tourism.
8) Ethnic clashes should give way to ethnic cooperation and a progress based upon mutual trust and dignified living.
9) The need for the armed forces will go once the various communities start living together without being afraid of each other.
10) Intermarriages should be encouraged.

Conclusion : Peace is not cessation of war; it is a noble way of understanding the impact of wars and the way of avoiding it. Peace is a perception of avoidance of conflict. It is a way of live – Living with inconsistencies and yet not opting for violent means which normally should be the last option.

If Egypt can change and bring about a political peace why can’t Manipur let the youth will it and peace shall prevail.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/08/peace-in-manipur-its-different-dimensions/

Dragging Sadu Koireng In The Terror Attack: The Great Lie

By Rongreisek Yangsorang The Sadu Koireng Village that was dragged in the recent bomb blast on the 1st Jul /11 at Sangakpham Bazaar, Imphal due to misinformation, miscalculation and presumption… Read more »

By Rongreisek Yangsorang
The Sadu Koireng Village that was dragged in the recent bomb blast on the 1st Jul /11 at Sangakpham Bazaar, Imphal due to misinformation, miscalculation and presumption by the mass media in Manipur needs to be identified. Jumping at a conclusion for running a headline to trouble others is highly condemnable.  Such a blunder to defame and blacken a particular community is likely to make the media men realize how disastrous it is to report without proper scrutiny of facts. The great lie was given extensive publicity. Unfortunate. At times, one word (in a newspaper or TV news) might not consist of any value at all and it could be completely ignored. That was not the case. The mention of “Sadu Koireng” in the local and regional dailies and Television news for a terror-attack was a nightmare for the Koireng community. Had it not been the courage of the intelligentsia among the Koirengs to make timely clarification, the entire community would have confronted a dangerous situation.

In the conflict-zone, the role of the press is immensely great and it requires sound judgment at every step always. The community has been repeatedly disturbed by the remarks of certain higher ups through the media. For what gains are these things done?  The ethnic tribal minorities of Manipur are not aliens as the youngsters may have thought of but as indigenous as the plains people are. Let us not groom outsiders. Let us first recognize each other. This will be the only weapon for safeguarding the territorial integrity of Manipur –the land with people of amazing grace and bountiful nature.

Then, which Sadu Koireng was that the electronic and print media in Manipur had meant?  Identification: One Bumthang was the chief of Mihabung (Maha Koireng where the Assam Rifles is stationed at present on Imphal-Jiribam Road and one Tongchung Rangrihon was the Luplakpa (Deputy Chief) of the village in the 1880s A.D. After the death of Bumthang, his son Sumsuo inherited his Mulpi (a decorative dress made of goat’s fur worn around the neck). It was to be worn by the eldest of the clan. On his death again, his son Semshon was supposed to keep the dress with him, but the tradition of transferring it to the eldest of the clan was strictly in vogue. To keep the tradition alive, he left Maha Koireng heading for Sadu Koireng to offer Mulpi to his cousin Khelrel, being the elder of the clan. After inheriting the dress, Khelrel became the chief of Sadu Koireng (Also known as Tunglong situated at Laimatol foothill to the west of Nambol in Bishnupur Dist. of Manipur). The village was known for its prosperity and hospitality. 

In the early 1900s, Sadu Koireng declined at a time when some clans and sub-clans abandoned the village for different directions in columns, taking routes in the valley and along the Koubru range. Some clans proceeded eastward as far as Nurathel in Saikul sub-division. Some seven families set up a village on the bank of Iril River within the boundary of Makokching and Saikul, and they further named it Sadu Koireng which was recorded in the Touchi Book of the Revenue Department of Manipur in 1908 A.D. Twenty-five years later(1925 A.D.), on the invitation of the chief of Longa Koireng village, Semshon, the cousin of Sadu Koireng chief also migrated to Longa Koireng on the National Highway 53 to become its priest of highest order called “Thakwaar” Pure Minister in charge of Meat and Wine in the village.

Soon after the Kuki Rebellion(1917-1919 A.D.), turning his face eastward to respond to the call of the Iril River, the chief of Sadu Koireng accompanied by some of his trusted clans also left the village for Makokching Hill in Saikul sub-division. Moreover, the Sadu area began to feel threatened, insecure and unsafe for habitation due to rampant looting and robbery. This is how the Sadu Koireng village  got deserted. (In the settlement record, the now famous Sadu waterfall falls within the boundary of the Sadu Koireng of one time. Sadu is the name of an area of Waroiching Foot-hill situated to the west of Nambol).

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/08/dragging-sadu-koireng-in-the-terror-attack-the-great-lie/