Source: IDSA , Youtube Internal Security Lecture Series organised by Institute for Defence Studies and Analysis (IDSA). For more details visit our website www.idsa.in Part II – questions and answers… Read more »The post IDSA Discussion, Ma…
Source: IDSA , Youtube Internal Security Lecture Series organised by Institute for Defence Studies and Analysis (IDSA). For more details visit our website www.idsa.in Part II – questions and answers… Read more
The post IDSA Discussion, Manipur : The Way Out — G K Pillai-Part-II Q&A appeared first on KanglaOnline.com.
Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/07/idsa-discussion-manipur-the-way-out-g-k-pillai-part-ii-qa/
Internal Security Lecture Series organised by Institute for Defence Studies and Analysis (IDSA). For more details visit our website www.idsa.in The post IDSA Discussion: Manipur : The Way Out – G K Pillai appeared first on KanglaOnli…
Internal Security Lecture Series organised by Institute for Defence Studies and Analysis (IDSA). For more details visit our website www.idsa.in
The post IDSA Discussion: Manipur : The Way Out – G K Pillai appeared first on KanglaOnline.com.
Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/07/idsa-discussion-manipur-the-way-out-g-k-pillai/
By: Shristi Pukhrem** Elections to Manipur’s 10th Legislative Assembly were conducted, in January-February 2012. The… more »
Elections to Manipur’s 10th Legislative Assembly were conducted, in January-February 2012. The Indian National Congress [INC] swept the polls and sealed an absolute majority (42 seats out of 60) in the House. The outcome was applauded by the regional and national media as a hat-trick, performed by Mr Okram Ibobi Singh, the Chief Minister.
Manipur as seen on Google Maps
In fact, the results in Manipur came as a surprise, given that the law and order situation was precarious and was marked with uncertainty, frequent bomb-blasts and fierce encounters, necessitating the deployment of additional companies of paramilitary forces. In the wake of the precarious security scenario in Manipur and erratic functioning of the government, the media had, earlier, on a few occasions, described Manipur as a failed state under the same ruling party (INC). To make matters more difficult for the Ibobi Singh government, and his party, various underground militants groups unified against the INC by forming what is known as the Coordination-Committee (Cor-Com) –– an amalgam of seven valley-based militant groups. The elections were marked by numerous bomb-attacks targeting INC candidates and workers. The elections were, thus, conducted under the shadow of a high degree of violence perpetrated by the militant groups. In spite of this, the people of Manipur bravely exercised their franchise and voted the INC to power.
In the backdrop of the recent developments, it might be useful to consider what the elections in Manipur implied. First, regardless of the increased deployment of security forces during the elections, and thereafter, the security scenario in Manipur was volatile (and continues to remain so). For instance, several poll-related violent incidents were reported both in the Valley and Hill districts, including booth capturing at Mao Fudung village and Tadubi in Senapati district; dismantlement of electronic voting machines at Saluk and Unapat polling stations in Chandel and Ukhrul districts; and the death of seven people, including three polling officials, two Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) personnel, a girl and a suspected National Socialist Council of Nagaland- Isak Muivah [NSCN (IM)] member in a crossfire at 41/40 Tampi polling station, under Chakpikarong Police Station limits, Chandel district.
Second, the 80 per cent voter turnout clearly mirrored the faith of the masses in democratic governance and the hope for improvement, even though the state was taken hostage by the militant groups that imposed economic blockade on National Highway No. 2 (erstwhile NH-39) for almost 100 days.
Third, it persuades one to suggest that the militants have lost their influence over the masses, which ought to have, otherwise, been under their direct influence, either because of ideological brainwashing or mortal threats. This became very clear when the people elected INC candidates despite numerous threats issued by the Cor-com warning the people not to support/ vote for the Congress candidates.
Fourth, the election also led to the emergence of a new political entity, which is suspected by the Valley people as inimical to the state’s interests. The Naga People’s Front (NPF) won four seats in the Naga dominated areas of the state. The NPF is seen by the Valley people as thriving chiefly because it espouses the Nagas’ demand for Nagalim. It is generally perceived as a potential challenge to the territorial integrity of the state as the proposed Nagalim includes four districts of Manipur, viz. Tamenglong, Senapati, Ukhrul and Chandel.
The continuing precarious security environment in Manipur has taken a toll on the economy of, and development in, Manipur. The finances of Manipur, like the other states of the North East region, are catered for through 90 per cent grant and 10 per cent loan from the Central Government. Even as the state is faced with an acute financial crunch, there has been a lack of industrial development and entrepreneurship. Only a few infrastructure projects are being undertaken, but these have, thus far, met with limited success. Besides, poverty in the state has increased in the last few years. According to the 2011 Census figures, the state has a population of 12.5 lakh below the poverty line (BPL); the population of Manipur is 27.21 lakh. Thus, poverty in Manipur is the highest in the northeast region with 45.93 per cent people falling under the BPL category.
Even as the overall situation in Manipur presents a rather depressing picture, the people have not given up hope. They earnestly aspire that the Central and State governments would resolve various issues that have been plaguing the state. Of course, there are some doubts in the minds of the people, which nudge them to wonder if there would be a drastic change in the state of affairs, all the more because the same political party has strode to power for a third consecutive term.
But, it is with the hope of a better future that the people voted the INC back to power. The Ibobi dispensation would do well to understand that the people have reiterated their faith in democracy and have cold shouldered the militants, if not politely shown them the door. Consequently, it is the responsibility of the INC government to take advantage of the situation and not let down the people of Manipur. It has to rise up to the occasion and fulfil their aspirations. It cannot afford to squander the opportunity afforded to it by the people.
** Article was orginally published on April 16, 2012
**Originally published by Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (www.idsa.in) at [http://idsa.in/idsacomments/ManipurPostAssemblyElections2012_ShrishtiPukhrem_160412]
Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/05/manipur-post-assembly-elections-2012/
Namrata Goswami In common parlance and academic literature, good governance is the prime indicator of… more »
Namrata Goswami
In common parlance and academic literature, good governance is the prime indicator of the success of a state. While many would argue that India’s experience with governance after independence is mostly unique based on a delicate interplay between a modern state and a traditional society, it is also equally true that governance in India depends to a large extent on individual rationality, which is “bounded by the local context and embedded values, based on the perception of sanctions, welfare and identity as well as general trust.” Thereby, the level of governance in a state is conditional on its ability to transform citizens into stakeholders in the process of governance itself. This in turn is co-related to the pay-off structures in which abiding by the rules is viewed by citizens as offering an incentive structure for a better living.
The most important indicators of good governance are institutions based on rules, absence of disorder, riots, murders, unwarranted state closures, and violence of any nature. As far as we can see, the Indian state since independence has been committed to individual rights based on the constitution, and no one group or community has the right to deter the free movement and entrepreneurial aspirations of another.
In stark contrast to this optimal understanding of governance in the Indian context, the culture of ‘bandhs’ (state closure) paramount in the Northeastern states like Assam, Manipur and Nagaland goes against the notion of individual rights, is a stigma on the effectiveness of local governance structures, and is unconstitutional to say the least. For instance, Manipur suffered from ‘bandhs’ almost every day during the two month-siege of the state by Naga groups earlier this year as a protest against Thuingaleng Muivah, leader of the NSCN (IM), being refused entry by Manipur to his native village due to security concerns. When the author was in Manipur in August 2008, there were nearly 19 bandhs in that month alone due to protests related to the doping controversy of Monika Devi, the weight-lifter from Manipur during the 2008 Beijing Olympics. This resulted in all roads being closed, prices of basic commodities tripling, and a loss to the local economy in crores. While the ‘bandhs’ were underway, called either by armed groups like the United National Liberation Front of Manipur (UNLF) or the Manipur Civil Society organizations, the state functionaries including the Secretariat merrily closed down as well without any accountability whatsoever. For local government officials, it was just one more holiday added to their list of holidays in the official calendar for which nothing is deducted from their monthly pay. So, state government employees might be absent for nineteen days of the month including Sundays and other holidays and effectively work for less than 10 days a month and yet get their full monthly salaries.
This ‘bandh’ culture, while coming down drastically in states like Mizoram and Tripura with a pro-active public and responsive state governments, is a disease in Assam and Nagaland. The call for ‘bandhs’ in Assam are issued by the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), the All Assam Students Union (AASU), or any other local group through local newspapers, and is strictly observed by the local people. ‘Bandhs’ in Assam have a rippling effect all over the Northeast as most basic commodities like rice, pulses, medicines, vegetables, poultry, etc., reach the other states via Assam either by road or by rail. In Nagaland, ‘bandhs’ are called by either the NSCN (IM) or the National Socialist Council of Nagaland led by S S Khaplang [NSCN (K)] and is followed by the local people for fear of being killed, despite great hardship caused by multiple ‘bandhs’ in a month.
While the fear of the locals to abide by the diktat of the armed groups is understandable, what is perhaps not acceptable is the adherence to these ‘bandhs’ by the local state authorities. The very fact that state governments cannot negate this ‘bandh’ culture, and are unwilling to ensure that common people are secure during the ‘bandhs’ even if they defy it, smacks of the lack of legitimacy and democratic grounding of these governments. It is also an abysmal state of affairs when armed insurgent groups like the ULFA or the NSCN (IM) with a membership of 1000 to 5000, respectively, can hold the entire population of a state amounting to millions hostage by just issuing the call for a ‘bandh’. This culture of ‘bandhs’ has resulted in crores of rupees in losses for the local economies, especially the private sector. The most affected are of course the daily wage workers, who are dependent on day-to-day earning to feed their families.
Governance in the Indian context is dependent on “the ability of the modern institutions to accommodate embedded values, undertake strategic reform and maintain the difficult balance between force and persuasion in the management of law and order,” as argued by Subrata K. Mitra in his book The Puzzle of India’s Governance (2006). It requires not only effective party systems, but also a federalism that works well for the common man. The ‘bandh’ culture in states like Assam, Manipur and Nagaland are not only a negation of individual rights but goes against the strategic choices of many, thereby throttling citizens’ initiatives. The most adversely affected from the ‘bandhs’ are the common people in these three states, while the local state governments absolve themselves of any responsibility to counter this culture, when they should ideally have been at the forefront punishing those who disturb public order. (It is important to note that ‘law and order’ is a state subject in India and hence states in India are obligated to maintain a secure environment based on the ‘rule of law’ for their citizens).
The time has therefore come for citizens of Assam, Manipur and Nagaland to stand up against the negative culture of ‘bandhs’ issued by armed groups who invariably represent only themselves, and hold their state governments accountable for poor governance, in order to enable their future generations to have a progressive and peaceful life.
** Article was orginally published on November 25, 2010
**Originally published by Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (www.idsa.in) at [http://idsa.in/idsacomments/TheCultureofBandhsandtheAbsenceofLocalGovernanceintheNortheast_ngoswami_251110]
Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/05/the-culture-of-%E2%80%98bandhs%E2%80%99-and-the-absence-of-local-governance-in-the-northeast/
