ILPS, IPM, ST movements are complimentary

What exactly we want? We want to protect & preserve our people, our land, our identity, our culture and also bring about peace and prosperity for all. ILPS (Inner Line Permit System) movement is meant for the protection of our own people from the intrusion of outsiders and to get ourselves insulated from the infringement of […]

What exactly we want? We want to protect & preserve our people, our land, our identity, our culture and also bring about peace and prosperity for all. ILPS (Inner Line Permit System) movement is meant for the protection of our own people from the intrusion of outsiders and to get ourselves insulated from the infringement of […]

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2016/05/ilps-ipm-st-movements-are-complimentary/

Mayai Lambi blocked over ILPS demand

IMPHAL, May 14: Continuing with the ongoing popular demand for conversion of the three Bills passed by the Manipur Legislative Assembly on August 31 last year into Acts, Mayai Lambi was blocked at different points between Keishampat and Hiyangthang tod…

IMPHAL, May 14: Continuing with the ongoing popular demand for conversion of the three Bills passed by the Manipur Legislative Assembly on August 31 last year into Acts, Mayai Lambi was blocked at different points between Keishampat and Hiyangthang today.

The post Mayai Lambi blocked over ILPS demand appeared first on The Sangai Express.

Read more / Original news source: http://www.thesangaiexpress.com/mayai-lambi-blocked-ilps-demand/

Sit-ins demand ILPS

IMPHAL, May 13 : Supporters of JCILPS today staged various protests at different places between Konung Mamang and Irilbung bridge.
The post Sit-ins demand ILPS appeared first on The Sangai Express.

IMPHAL, May 13 : Supporters of JCILPS today staged various protests at different places between Konung Mamang and Irilbung bridge.

The post Sit-ins demand ILPS appeared first on The Sangai Express.

Read more / Original news source: http://www.thesangaiexpress.com/sit-ins-demand-ilps/

Re-Imagining Manipur: Post-Churachandpur Narrative – Sira Kharay

As the deadly flames in the hills of Manipur refuse to die down, Manipur this time is surely confronting a decisive battle of political metamorphosis. Manipur never before has witnessed

As the deadly flames in the hills of Manipur refuse to die down, Manipur this time is surely confronting a decisive battle of political metamorphosis. Manipur never before has witnessed such enormity of tribal awakening since the history of its accession into the Indian Union. While the consciousness of the hill tribals is rapidly shaping into an ominous narrative of concrete ethnic political assertion, Imphal valley is still patching up its bits of imagination as to where it must redirect its idea of Manipur. For better or for worst, the overall political content of the simmering agitation is likely to recast the idea of Manipur forever.

The eruption was inevitable. The hills have long been simmering with deep sense of historical injustice against institutional bias and oppressive majoritarian politics at the whims of the valley. The hurried passing of the three controversial ILP Bills bypassing the mandate of the Manipur Legislative Assembly (Hill Areas Committee) Order, 1972 ignited the spark. Thereafter, the shocking use of live bullets in the hills and rubber bullets in the valley leading to the outrageous killing of 9 tribal civilians at CCPur enraged the hill tribals to the point of no return. It has already attracted national as well as international attention and the intensity of the agitation has turned even more dramatic with the Young Paite Association public boycotting and banishing its tribal MLAs.

While the State Government is still reluctant to come up with any groundbreaking concession to resolve the issue, the assertion of the hills is no longer so much about the amendment of the three controversial ILP Bills now and no degree of amendment whatsoever is likely to quell the unleashing strive. Total separation from the valley has become the rallying cry of the hills with the renewed assertion of ethnic Northeast “will” for distinct identity as the ideological subtext, i.e. Northeast may be in India but only without actually being Indian. The driving perception is that Imphal valley will someday come up again with its demands for Hill State and ST status and thus the possibility for co-existence has altogether disappeared.

Amidst this political turmoil, as Imphal valley grapples with its lack of regional imagination and continues to articulate its ethnic interest in a hyperbole adversarial to other ethnic communities, Manipur is fast isolating itself from the rest of Northeast ethnic communities. Mizoram Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla, Former Lok Shaba Speaker PA Sangma and Nagaland Chief Minister T. R. Zeliang joining the chorus against the Government of Manipur is critical. In the backdrop of this emerging regional implication, the need of the hour is drastic policy rethink rather than indulging in a petty political spat. However, like Assam, Manipur seemed to have already sold its pulse of Northeast sense to political puppetry.

What is problematic is not in what the valley asserts in reclaiming its indigenous identity, but in the banality of defining the idea of Manipur on the basis of territory rather than from its historical memories and ethnic imageries. In other words, Manipur’s pathological inability to define its interest without upsetting and appropriating the rights of other communities is construed as anti-Northeast in the context of the larger Northeast-common-interest narrative. Be that as it may, Imphal valley’s obsession with the physical “post-accession Manipur” remains a challenge to common Northeast quest for re-righting the past historical injustices.

Manipur needs to be reminded that the widening ethnic rift between the hills and the valley is particularly a post-Indian-accession experience. Ethnic conflict characteristically for that matter is not Northeast but a post-independent Indian construct. At the root of this festering problem is the arbitrary appropriation and misappropriation of ethnic communities in the carving of the Northeastern States. It is nobody’s question that Northeast was forcibly annexed. The Sixth Schedule and autonomy provisions in the Constitution have proved insufficient to quench this feeling of subjugation as the existing boundaries essentially attempt to supplant the historical identities of the subjects therein with an artificial territorial being devoid of sociological meaning and reality.

Nagas consequently have been staunchly resisting this existing political map and to them, integration of Naga ancestral territory is a non-negotiable right. Kuki-Zomi communities likewise have been demanding their own autonomous district/state and the claim gets even louder. Manipur, thus, cannot actually exist but by suppressing the rights of the Naga-Kuki-Zomi communities. However, this much is clear that ethnic harmony in the troubled Manipur would remain an elusive dream until the Nagas are freely allowed to be integrated and the demands of the Kuki-Zomi communities are fully accommodated.

It is against this backdrop that the ILP Bills per se are not the actual concerns of the hills. The Bills are merely seen as a spark – as another testimony that the hills and the valley cannot co-exist. It is about time Manipur admits its unavoidable fate for its own existential interest and more so because Manipur may risk losing Manipur itself in the long run by further clinging to the delusive idea of perpetuating the status quo. The moot question is will the existing ethno-demographic and power structure of Manipur remain the same forever? Given the sheer size of the hills and the nature of demographic unpredictability, it is more likely that the hills would sooner than later reduce Imphal valley to a mere minority.

Manipur surely must be able to comprehend this foreseeable eventuality. Resurgence of Manipur then lies not in Manipur but in Kangleipak. Manipur’s imagination must thus go back to the midnight of 28th August, 1947 when the Dragon God Pakhangba Flag of Manipur was hoisted at Kangla and reclaim its historical identity as in consonance with the cognate narratives of its other Northeast kinsfolk.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/10/re-imagining-manipur-post-churachandpur-narrative-sira-kharay/

PRESS STATEMENT OF CIVIL SOCIETY COALITION ON HUMAN RIGHTS IN MANIPUR & THE UN: Manipur on the brink of an inter-ethnic calamity

URGENT PRESS STATEMENT Imphal, 11 September 2015   On the occasion of the 57th  anniversary of the Armed Forces [Special Powers] Act of 1958 (AFSPA) that promulgated the controversial and

URGENT PRESS STATEMENT

Imphal, 11 September 2015

 

On the occasion of the 57th  anniversary of the Armed Forces [Special Powers] Act of 1958 (AFSPA) that promulgated the controversial and draconian Act in Manipur and Nagaland, the CSCHR once again condemns the perpetuation of this law that violates the fundamental principles of democracy and human rights despite a worldwide call for its repeal. In this spiralling spread of impunity that has infected every sphere of governance in Manipur, the highly problematic implementation of this Act in Manipur ever since has not solved any of the problems it was meant to resolve. In fact, the climate of impunity and unabated use of brute force by the state to deal with any situation has repeatedly compounded and complicated the situation in Manipur. There have been reports of the divisive and partisan role played by Indian security forces in Manipur, most recently in Moreh Town in August this year.

 

The observed overall lack of training, preparedness and strict adherence to existing principles and guidelines of crowd control has resulted in the tragic death of one child in Imphal East District in August and nine other innocent lives, including one child, in Churachandpur district during this month, and the violent human rights violations of more than a hundred persons, mainly young persons and children in Manipur, including reported arbitrary detentions, torture and cruel or inhuman and degrading treatment, and grievous injuries perpetrated by the law enforcement agencies in different parts of the State. The State police and central security forces have been let loose to inflict a brutally violent response by using disproportionate powers to suppress public protests in the last three months concerning a set of laws purportedly designed to address a critical issue faced by all the indigenous peoples and communities of the State.

 

Curfew and public restrictions under Cr.P.C. Section 144 have been imposed repeatedly during the last three months in the districts of Imphal East, Imphal West, Senapati, Chandel and Churachandpur in the wake of public protests against the atrocities committed by the state law and order machinery. Public strikes, road blockades, market closures and public transportation shut downs have contributed to the volatile situation causing immense obstacles and restrictions in public life and government functioning.

 

Today, Manipur is on the brink of an inter-ethnic calamity.  If appropriate steps are not taken now there is every possibility of an explosion of dirty and violent ethnic hostilities that can only lead to a human and humanitarian disaster of such proportions that we have not seen before in this sub-region of South Asia.

 

CSCHR is very concerned that there exists in Manipur a situation of mounting polarisation of different ethnic groups within the State fuelled by perceptions of multiple threats by the different ethnic communities, the spread of rumours and disinformation, highly objectionable statements published or released by fringe groups and elements aimed to bring about communal enmity, partisan discussions and meetings, the abject lack of the will to communicate and dialogue, expectations that are detrimental to the maintenance of communal harmony and the strengthening of democracy and human rights protection, and sectarian demands that impinge upon the provisions of the Constitution of India and international human rights and humanitarian law.

 

CSCHR earnestly urges the government of Manipur and all communities living together in Manipur to desist from partisan and divisive, non-inclusive processes and activities that can lead to a serious rupture of the democratic and sovereign polity of Manipur State. The need at this critical hour is for all communities in Manipur to embrace constructive suggestions and inclusive dialogue as this is the only avenue we have now to avoid a humanitarian disaster.

 

Further, CSCHR strongly recommends to the governments of Manipur and India to facilitate the healing of the suffering people of Manipur by immediately embarking on just reconciliation measures of redress by removing all legislative, policy and administrative encumbrances and obstacles in the State, such as the repeal of AFSPA and repressive discriminatory laws, re-establishing a fair and compassionate Rule of Law that is strictly in compliance with India’s obligations to all its citizens, the supreme Constitutional provisions and international human rights and humanitarian law for the promotion of democracy and peace.

 

sd/-

(Dr Laifungbam Debabrata Roy)

Convenor

On Behalf of the Civil Society Coalition on Human Rights in Manipur and the UN

 

Member Organisations of CSCHR are:

  1. All Manipur Nupi Maanbi Association (AMANA)
  2. Centre of Network and Empowerment (CoNE)
  3. Centre for Organisation Research & Education (CORE)
  4. Centre for Research & Advocacy (CRA Manipur)
  5. Citizens Concern for Dams and Development (CCDD)
  6. Civil Liberties and Human Rights Organisation (CLAHRO)
  7. Civil Liberties Protection Forum (CLPF)
  8. Committee on Human Rights, Manipur (COHR)
  9. Ethno-Heritage Council (HERICOUN)
  10. Extra-judicial Execution Victim Families’ Association Manipur (EEVFAM)
  11. Families of the Involuntarily Disappeared Association Manipur (FIDAM)
  12. Indigenous Perspective (IP)
  13. Human Rights Alert (HRA)
  14. Human Rights Defenders Manipur (HRD)
  15. Human Rights Initiative (HRI)
  16. Human Rights Law Network Manipur (HRLN-M)
  17. Just Peace Foundation (JPF)
  18. Life Watch
  19. Manipur Alliance for Child Rights (MACR)
  20. Movement for Peoples’ Right to Information Manipur (M-PRIM)
  21. North East Dialogue Forum (NEDF)
  22. Threatened Indigenous Peoples Society (TIPS)
  23. United Peoples Front (UPF)

 

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/press-statement-of-civil-society-coalition-on-human-rights-in-manipur-the-un-manipur-on-the-brink-of-an-inter-ethnic-calamity/

People of Manipur Protection Bill – Lost in Translation: Linda Chhakchhuak

By Linda Chhakchhuak 07 September, 2015 Countercurrents.org Some folklore say that Manipur is land of the three brothers. They are the Meitei, Naga and the Kuki communities. But as most

Manipur police truck has been burnt down by the agitators on the road at Churachandpur

Manipur police truck has been burnt down by the agitators on the road at Churachandpur
Photo: Deepak Shijagurumayum

By Linda Chhakchhuak

07 September, 2015
Countercurrents.org

Some folklore say that Manipur is land of the three brothers. They are the Meitei, Naga and the Kuki communities. But as most brotherhood stories go they inevitably ended up disagreeing and quarrelling over the inheritance left by their fathers. This myth seems to sum up the history of this troubled northeastern state of India which is once again engulfed in blood, soot and tears.

This being an age in which the information highway passes through almost every hand with a mobile phone, the war cries, chest thumping and ill conceived rumors were mass knowledge in a span of few minutes, each post more virulent than the earlier one igniting ire. Not too soon after the by now famous three Bills were passed in the Manipur Legislative Assembly on August 31, the house of a Member of Legislative Assembly (MLA) went up in flames. Homes of Manipur’s health minister Phungzathang Tonsing and five other MLAs were set afire during the protests. Eight persons died in the subsequent mob quelling actions by the state police.

The “angry mob” was people of the hills districts mad at their own tribal MLAs for not standing up against the three Bills which they claimed was a deviously diabolical game to take away their land rights and making them strangers in their own homeland.

The three Bills are The Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms (Seventh) Amendment Bill 2015 (MLRLR Bill 2015), The Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015 and The Manipur Shops and Establishments Act (Second) Amendment Bill 2015, collectively meant to be the Government of Manipur’s solution to the months long demand for implementation of Inner Line Permit system by the Meitei organizations to protect them from the high rate of influx of outsiders. The states of Mizoram, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh have the ILP system which are British enactments made for their own benefit but vaunted as a wall against assimilation from outsiders today.

Obviously the polity is so steeped in local conspiracy theory that common people have not a shred of trust left in the persons they themselves had voted to represent them. On the other hand neither did the representatives or the Government make any effort to get public opinion before legislating on such a sensitive issue. That cost them their homes and credibility. But did people understand what they were they out in the streets for, braving bullets and death?

The MLRLR Bill 2015 clearly outlines the unenviable situation of the Meitei people, who inhabit the valley portion of the Manipur state. The state is 90 percent hills and 10 percent plains. But demography wise, the valley is packed with 60 percent of the total population of the state (27 lakhs plus). The density 731 persons as opposed to 61 persons in the hills just go to show what the valley people are up against. Under the main 1960 MRLR Act, Scheduled Tribes of the state who are native of the hills can buy land and settle down in the plains. On the other hand the plains based Meitei people are forbidden to acquire land in the hills by this same law. This same Law permits the Scheduled Tribe (ST) to sell off their lands in the valley with the provision that if they are selling it to a non-Scheduled Tribe it can be done only with the consent of the Deputy Commissioner. This would mean that if they are disposing it off to another Scheduled Tribe person, then it would not need any consent of the DC.

What seems to be happening as can be surmised from reading between the lines of the MRLR Amendment Bill 2015 is that there is an influx of ‘outsiders’, not so much as that of non-tribals from outside the state, but also of persons of affiliated kins-tribes from across the network of Kuki-Chin-Mizo community as well as Nagas from neighboring borders whether it is from Mizoram, Nagaland, Assam and Myanmar. Affiliated and based on close-knit kinship systems it is impossible to differentiate the ‘native ST’ from the ‘outsider Tribes’ in the state where the buying and selling of land may be happening. This is a cause of concern for the valley inhabitants of the Meitei heritage, who are struggling to keep their ancestral lands from slipping away right under their noses. They are a beleaguered people hemmed in by dozens of problems, the least of them being officially categorized as “non-tribal” , settled on the fulcrum of a tribal volcano of resentment. (Long ago they refused to be clubbed under the category of “Tribe” which they want reversed now but it is another complicated
story.)

Instead of directly dealing with the issue of influx, the MRLR (Seventh) Amendment Bill2015 seeks to curtail this transfer by invoking sale against the “Non Manipur Person”(NMP). The amendment is to ‘regulate the sale of land to Non Manipur Persons of the state so that the limited land in the valley is available to the permanent residents of the state in the interests of the general public.” From now on any sale and transfer of land in the valley to Non Manipur Persons of the state, firms, institutions or any other entities intending to purchase land will be done only after getting state government approval. This is actually a cry for space and the plight of the growing population of Meitei people and the other non-tribal residents of the tiny valley jostling for space with the Scheduled tribe people who have the upper hand as far as the right to buy or sell land in the state is concerned.

The MRLR (Seventh) Amendment 2015 is supported by The Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015. The objective of this Bill is to regulate the entry and exit of Non Manipur Persons and tenants. It defines who are the “Manipur People” in Clause 2 section (b) which says “b) “Manipur people” means Persons of Manipur whose name are in the National Register of Citizens, 1951 Census Report 1951 and Village Directory of 1951 and their descendants who have contributed to the collective social, cultural and economic life of Manipur;. This is the clause which has raised mayhem among the Kuki affiliate tribes and the Nagas who say, rightly, that during the early fifties there was hardly any infrastructure or government presence capable of capturing the whole population of the region in a register.

But these misgivings should have melted as the Bill carries a caveat in Paragraph 8 which unequivocally states that the persons to be exempted under the provisions of this Bill are “the native people of the state of Manipur.” The Bill does not give details about this, but going by definition by the heavyweight expert on Manipur, T C Hodson it refers to the Meitei, Kuki and Naga of the state.

Predictably, politicians of all hues and categories from the inside the state and the neighboring regions of Manipur have lost no time in fishing in troubled waters of Manipur. They should know better as the same equations of conflict are just a spark away in their own homes and states.

(Linda Chhakchhuak is an independent Journalist and anthropologist, based in Shillong, Meghalaya)

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/people-of-manipur-protection-bill-lost-in-translation-linda-chhakchhuak/

‘Us’, ‘them’ and an elusive peace – Dr. Malem Ningthouja

Manipur has often been the setting for violent agitations, with those behind them demanding the implementation of an Inner Line Permit (ILP) system in order to define and protect “insiders”

Meitei and Kabui women stage protest demanding Inner Line Permit System at Konung Mamang in Manipur

Meitei and Kabui women stage protest demanding Inner Line Permit System at Konung Mamang in Manipur

Manipur has often been the setting for violent agitations, with those behind them demanding the implementation of an Inner Line Permit (ILP) system in order to define and protect “insiders” from buying up land on the one hand, and from the unregulated entry of “outsiders” on the other. All this can be traced to the core — in the agitations of 1920, 1935, and 1965, when sections targeted the “outsider” monopoly in trade. The agitations, in 1980, 1994, and from 2006 onwards, have been primarily against unregulated immigrants who bought up land and immovable properties.

The agitations have been motivated by the situation that has set alarm bells ringing following unrestrained demographic pressure by “outsiders” and the need for an ILP as it exists in Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram and Nagaland. The ILP is required for ‘other’ Indian citizens to enter Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland and Mizoram. The objective has been to prevent outsiders from buying up land and owning natural resources in Manipur. But these stirs have been confined to the Manipur valley, which is about 9 per cent of the geographical area and where 61.54 per cent of the enumerated population (Census 2001) comprises the majority community Meitei, tribals and others living together. Interpretations of the campaign have been along communal lines, probably because it was concentrated in the valley and led by Meitei-based organisations.

Geo-community projection

The apparent Meitei orientation of the agitation has been obvious since minimal tribal presence in the valley has been juxtaposed with Meitei predominance and tribal organisations in the hills that have deliberately maintained an opaqueness about a supporting role. A visible role for the Meitei is clear as defending the territorial integrity of Manipur is dear to them and as they have been the front runners in being associated with other popular movements to protect land and resources from being consumed by controversial projects.

The ILP agitation has been the brainchild of Meitei organisations for two basic reasons. First, its geographical epicentre has been the valley where there has been increasing pressure on land as a result of population growth. This includes migrations by outsiders and continuous “land grabbing” by the government for the setting up of military establishments and other infrastructure, which led to systematic reduction of areas under primary economic activities. Second, Meiteis have been in the fore front of this as despite their known achievements in arts and culture, sport and other skills, they are deeply apprehensive of being marginalised and facing insecurity in Manipur.

This needs to be explained in detail. Despite the perception that identifies the Meitei with the valley, in reality, the valley is liberally open to all who can buy and own land and resources. This situation is what has promoted the large-scale migration of tribals and outsiders from other parts of India and also Nepal, Myanmar and Bangladesh. It is a one way migration that has deeply affected the psyche of many Meiteis, as they, as a result of being clubbed with non-tribals, are now constitutionally not permitted to own land both in the vast tracts of government reserved areas in the valley and in the hills of Manipur. However, the Meiteis consider the migration of tribals as a sign of integration and do not oppose it; what they are critical of and apprehensive about are the ‘outsiders’.

A form of restraint

Many Meiteis are worried that the numerical strength and growth of outsiders have now reached alarming proportions and there is a situation where they outnumber several small communities in Manipur; according to the 2001 census, there are 9.18 lakh Meiteis and others, 6.70 lakh tribals and 7.04 lakh outsiders. They predict a socio, cultural and economic domination by outsiders as a result of large-scale migration, especially after the extension of railway lines, trans-Asian highways and the expansion of market corridors towards Southeast Asian countries. They are also worried about unrestrained land grabbing in Manipur to facilitate hydro-electric projects, mining, and also oil exploration and drilling at the cost of the people and the ecology. Many have upheld that the implementation of the ILP or a similar law can act as a form of restraint to unregulated immigration and also prevent outsiders and companies/industry from taking control over the land and resources, especially in the valley, where there has been no protective law ever since the permit system was lifted by the Government of India in November 1950.

Following violent agitations that have often lasted months, the Government of Manipur and the Joint Committee on the Inner Line Permit System in Manipur (JCILPS) arrived at an agreement. Thus, on August 31, 2015, the Manipur Legislative Assembly passed three Bills, which were not to the complete satisfaction of pro-ILP sections. These are the Protection of Manipur People Bill 2015, which has fixed 1951 as the base year to detect outsiders; the Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms Amendment Bill 2015, and the Manipur Shops and Establishments Bill 2015. These Bills are being strongly opposed by the ‘tribal’ organisations in the Manipur hill districts, particularly those of the Kuki Chin Mizo-based organisations, and which have now been supported by Naga-based organisations as well.

Inter-community tensions

Agitators blocking the road by burning at churachandpur

Agitators blocking the road by burning at churachandpur.
Photo: Deepak Shijagurumayum

Kuki organisations have opposed the ILP movement from spreading in Churachandpur and Chandel districts, which led to a violent clash on August 18, at the border town of Moreh. They have charged the Bills as being evidence of Meitei expansionism in the hills to expel a large section of Kukis. The propaganda has been appealing to many who are unhappy with the anti-Kuki stance and ‘refugee’ tag attributed to them by individuals from other communities. There has also been rivalry between Kuki underground organisations and those who have been identified as being with other communities. There could also be an element of fear as many of them — either people who might have migrated after 1951, or those whose lineages might not have been recorded in the list criteria — could be treated as outsiders. Other tribes have also expressed similar concerns.

The overall projection of the Bills as being pro-Meitei fails to holistically interpret the limitations of the cut-off year of 1951. This provision actually affects all, including some sections of the Meiteis and others who came to Manipur after 1951. It will also be practically difficult to detect and deport migrants who have close ethnic bonds with one or other ‘indigenous’ communities. But the polemics of insecurity have interplayed with the propaganda that the Manipur Land Revenue and Reform Act 1960 has been extended to the hill districts, which is untrue as there is no amendment in the territorial extent of the said Act.

BSF's gypsy has been burnt down by the agitators inside the Churachandpur hospital

BSF’s gypsy has been burnt down by the agitators inside the Churachandpur hospital
Photo: Deepak Shijagurumayum

The recent tensions, and which have been extensively reported in the media, might not have occurred had the Government of Manipur dealt with the situation in a better way. Instead of fully relying on the consent of the tribal MLAs, it could have also consulted the Hill Areas Committee or other responsible ‘tribal’ organisations in order to resolve any misunderstanding, before passing the Bills. On the other hand, neither the organisation that had led the ILP movement nor the tribal organisations who protested against the Bills had approached each other for mutual consent in this regard. The Kuki and Naga organisations were not insensitive to the primary objective of the cut-off year of 1951, as being primarily to target the ethno-culturally, distinguishable outsiders from other parts of India, Nepal and Bangladesh. They wanted to magnify the controversies arising from these Bills in order to invoke community sentiment, consolidate their respectively fractured communities, and to intensify the demand for either VI Schedule status for the tribes or different administrative systems for Kukis and Nagas. In this, there is tactical unity between Naga and Kuki organisations. This is understandable in the context of Naga enthusiasm towards the speeding up of some kind of pan-Naga integration under the proposed framework of the recent Peace Accord. This is something that the Kuki organisations are concerned about as this inspires the ‘Kuki’-based undergrounds that are under the Suspension of Order (SoO) with the government, to speed up their agenda to have either Pan Zomi Reunification or autonomous administration. The recently leaked Kuki National Organisation’s proposal to the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah) or NSCN-IM asserts: “Historically, the [Meetei or Manipur] Kingdom consisted of the valley areas, which today form the valley districts of Manipur… The Kuki and Naga peoples shall mutually respect one another’s identity and territory and maintain the best of fraternal relations and work together to preserve peace in the land and usher in progress and human welfare in the Kuki and Naga states.”

Now, when tensions have been fanned, there seems to be the role of certain vested political groups to add fuel to the fire in order to magnify the issue of unrest, and, in turn, use this as a reason to justify the imposition of President’s rule in order to unseat the incumbent Congress government. In this there is an interplay of political demagogy, adventurism and speculation. Unrest, rioting and repression have led to a heavy toll in terms of civilian life, the destruction of property and a creation of tension. If the Bills are the issue, is there no room to either clear the misunderstandings or add some clauses in the Bills to resolve the tension? If the Bills are just the spark, what role should the Government of India be playing to scale down the tensions? The question now is this: who will negotiate for peace with whom, at what cost, and for what purpose?

Malem Ningthouja

Malem Ningthouja

(Dr. Ningthouja is a Fellow at the Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla, and the author of three books on Manipur.)

** The article was first published in The Hindu and reproduced in KanglaOnline with permission from the author.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/us-them-and-an-elusive-peace-dr-malem-ningthouja/

Exact content of the resignation press communique of the four NPF MLAs of Manipur

PRESS COMMUNIQUE   New Delhi 4th September, 2015   RESIGNATION OF FOUR NPF MLAs FROM THE MANIPUR LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY   We, the following Members of the Manipur Legislative Assembly belonging

PRESS COMMUNIQUE

 

New Delhi

4th September, 2015

 

RESIGNATION OF FOUR NPF MLAs FROM

THE MANIPUR LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY

 

We, the following Members of the Manipur Legislative Assembly belonging to the Naga People’s Front, elected to the Assembly in the General Elections held in March, 2012, have tendered our resignation from the membership of the assembly with effect from the 4th September, 2015:

 

SI No. Name of MLA Constituency
1

2

3

4

Mr. L. Dikho

Mr. Samuel Risom

Mr. ST Victor Nunghlung

Dr. V. Alexandra Pao

48- Mao

44- Ukhrul

41- Chandel

47- Karong

 

  1.  We have resigned our membership of the Assembly despite the Assembly’s tenure is to expire only in March, 2017 i.e. when the Assembly has another nearly two year’s term.

 

  1. Thus, we have resigned our membership as a supreme sacrifice for the protection of the short and long term interests of all the tribal people including Nagas inhabiting the hills districts of Manipur.

 

  1.  Our resignation from the Assembly is a serious and severe protest against the consistent, cruel, crude and unpardonable anti-tribal and anti-Naga attitude, approach and actions of the Ibobi Singh Government as evident from its recent legislative measures such as the protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015, the Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms (Seventh Amendment) Bill, 2015, the Manipur Shops and Establishments (Second Amendment) Bill, 2015 and the Resolution on the Indo-Naga Peace Accord. The height of anti-tribal, anti-Naga and undemocratic posture of the Ibobi Government is its persistent denial to constitute and notify the two Autonomous District Councils in Chandel and Tamenglong despite a clear majority obtained by the Naga people’s Front in these two districts.

 

  1. We have been steadfast in our opposition to these legislative measures in the House. We sought time from the speaker, Manipur Assembly, for the detailed participation in the debate on the Bill’s and the Resolution. In view of the brute majority at the command of the Ibobi Singh Government in the House, the Speaker had not only bull dozed our genuine aspirations for debate on the bill so that our voice for the tribals and Nagas of the Hill Districts was not registered on the records of the Assembly. We wanted to table our amendments to the Bills and Resolution so that these draconian legislative measures are tamed to protect the people of the Hill districts, which were not allowed.

 

  1. The Speaker followed a steam rolling procedure of not allowing sufficient time for us to express our views and to table amendments as otherwise these Bills and resolution would have been moderated after parliamentary persuasion. We were also not allowed to stage a walk out from the House at the time of passing of these measures as the Speaker jumped procedure to declare that these measures were passed without due deliberations and without allowing us time to register our final protest of walk out.

 

  1. Our resignations are aimed at condemnation of the protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015 which treats Nagas and other tribes from Nagaland and other states in the Region as non-Manipuris and compelling them to have ILPs to enter Manipur thereby making them foreigners in their own land. Such legislation is squarely contrary to the very spirit of the agenda on the table of the Indo-Naga Peace talks, of which the strident aspiration is to bring all Nagas in the contiguous areas under one umbrella. This legislation is nothing but a ruse to derail the Indo-Naga peace talks and thus not only anti-Naga but anti-national in as much as it aims at throwing a spanner in the peace talks.

 

  1. Our resignations are an expression of our deep indignation against the Ibobi Singh Government on behalf of all tribals and Nagas, for drastically altering the customary land holding system in the Hill Districts through the Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms (Seventh Amendment) Bills, 2015. This Bills seeks to insert sections 14A and 14B in the Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms Acts, 1960 empowering Deputy Commissioners and the State Cabinet to divest tribal and Nagas of their lands by nullifying the customary laws of the Hill people. On the one hand, when the Congress Party has launched a nation-wide year long agitation against the NDA’s land acquisition Bill, the Ibobi Singh Government in Manipur is surreptitiously seeking to usurps the land of tribals and Nagas of the Hill Districts thereby demolishing the demographic structure of these districts b facilitating fresh settlers and destroying the unique land holding systems of the tribals and Nagas in these districts. We NPF MLA’s have therefore demonstrated by our resignations that this demolition and destruction of their Hill Authority, culture, customs and land tenure systems will be stoutly resisted and stopped.

 

  1. The Manipur Shops and Establishments (Second Amendment) Bill, 2015 is also an assault on the traditional rights of the tribals and Nagas of the Hill Districts of Manipur.

 

  1.  All the three Bills which are of crucial significance to the customary and cultural lives of the tribals and Nagas of the Hill Districts of Manipur were passed in one single day, without debate, without permission to move amendments, and without following the legislative procedure enshrined in the Constitution of India and the Rules of Procedure of the House. The MLA’s from the Hill Districts especially the NPF MLA’s clarion call for democratic procedure went unheeded both by the Speaker and by the Ibobi Government.

 

  1. The basic Constitutional mandate of consulting the Hill Areas Committee constituted under article 371C of the Constitution of India on all these measures was casually given a go by. In their urgency to colonize Hill Areas and to strangulate the voice of the people and their representatives of the Hill Districts, the Ibobi Government had trampled upon their democratic rights and passed these draconian measures in the most undemocratic manner.

 

  1.  As though this was not enough, on the same day, i.e. on the 31st August, 2015 itself, another resolution on the Indo-Naga Peace Talks was hurriedly passed by the Ibobi Government in total collusion with the speakers. The amendments proposed by the NPF MLAs were disregarded. Though the NPF MLAs opposed the Resolution which questioned the agenda of the Indo-Naga Peace Talks, the Resolution was so worded that it sought to dismember the items of the agenda like “integration of contiguous Naga areas” from the ongoing Peace Talks. By introducing such word like “administration of the State of Manipur” in the Resolution, the Ibobi Government had directly interfered with the alternative solutions being explored by the Government of India for integrating Nagas of the Region. By urging the Government of India to amend Article 3 of the constitution of India to make the views of the State Legislature concerned mandatory for altering the boundaries of a State, the Ibobi Government has jumped the gun even before a solution is found to the protracted political problem of the Nagas. In nutshell, the Ibobi Government appears to have decided to be a permanent stumbling block to the solution to the Naga Political Problem, which is highly condemnable and against which, we have decided to resign from the Assembly to be with the people of the Hill Districts. Despite our opposition, in the most partisan manner, the Speaker had shown the resolution as having been passed unanimously.

 

  1.  We hereby call upon all concerned including the governor of the state, the president of India, the NDA Government at the Centre, the Interlocutor for the Indo-Naga Peace Talks, the people, the churches, the leaders and the workers of all political parties to untie, consolidate and act in tandem so that the injustices committed by the Ibobi Government through the aforesaid legislative measures and resolution on the people of the Hill Districts, are halted and reversed.

 

  1. By this resignation of ours, we also declare that we do not believe in manipulation of House records and also declare that we were never been a party to the passing of the foresaid legislative measures. Thus the dubious records of the Assembly that state that these measures were passed unanimously should stand straightened by our resignations.

 

  1. We fervently hope that our resignations from the Assembly will bring about the much needed succour to the wounded feelings of all our brothers and sisters of the Hill Districts. This must be the beginning of a long and tireless journey but we shall overcome all our trials and tribulations on our way given the united support of all the people of the Hill Districts, As a precondition to the success of the Indo-Naga Peace Talks, we desire and demand the dismantlement of the parochial Government of Ibobi Singh so that it not only ensures the safety of the people of the of the Hill Districts but also assures the purity of the Peace Talks.

 

sd/-

(L. DIKHO)

 

sd/-

(SAMUEL RISOM)

 

sd/-

(ST. VICTOR NUNGHLUNG)

 

sd/-

(DR. ALEXANDER PAO)

 

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/exact-content-of-the-resignation-press-communique-of-the-four-npf-mlas-of-manipur/

CPDM Interview Series: “They say ILPS is a movement of the people of Manipur but not all communities are involved” – Manishwar Nongmaithem

Exclusive (online) interview carried out by Campaign for Peace & Democracy (Manipur) for KanglaOnline. – Why young student activists wanted Inner Line Permit System in Manipur? – Why are they

Exclusive (online) interview carried out by Campaign for Peace & Democracy (Manipur) for KanglaOnline.

– Why young student activists wanted Inner Line Permit System in Manipur?
– Why are they fearless to speak out their minds?
– How will the judgmental sections interpret their minds: are these students to be seen as misguided or forced to have political views and some democratic actions?

Read the background of this interview series: CPDM interview-series-why-young-student-activists-wanted-inner-line-permit-system-in-manipur

 

CPDM Interview with Manishwar Nongmaithem

Manishwar Nongmaithem

Manishwar Nongmaithem

Manishwar Nongmaithem
33 years Old
Kakching Ningthou Leikai, Thoubal District, Manipur, India
Advisor, Manipur Students’ Association Delhi

CPDM: Where are you presently located?
Manishwar Nongmaithem: Delhi.

CPDM: Why did you leave Manipur and choose Delhi for your studies?
Manishwar Nongmaithem: I wanted to visit places and observe the conditions of the capitalist governments. Delhi was my first destination choice. This has also made me know clearly about the governance of my state.

CPDM: Which class are you in? please tell us the name of your institute too
Manishwar Nongmaithem: I am presently a student of tourism studies in IGNOU

CPDM: What is the purpose of your education? What ambition in life motivates you to pursue education?
Manishwar Nongmaithem: Since I belong to a system made for the comfort of the rich, I realised that I need a certificate too. I will use it when necessary. I want to work as a political activist to produce “revolutionaries” who can bring about a just and equitable society.

CPDM: What are your views on the inner line permit system movement in Manipur? Do you think it is a right movement? Please share us your thoughts.
Manishwar Nongmaithem: The use of the phrase “Inner Line Permit System” by the people of Manipur is appreciated. The people are united and have been demanding relentlessly to make this one phrase into an act. The demand of ILPS is to save the indigenous people. In this, the government has used its state forces to suppress my brethren agitators, mainly the students who have taken a firm commitment to challenge the government.

What I want to ask is how these tactics of suppressing the people’s movement has come into being? What people are witnessing and experiencing is just a symptom, the actual disease is veiled by the government and so people cannot see it or understand it. Are we going to blame the citizens for not having enough knowledge on this? Or are we going to say that it is the government’s trap or plan?

Before we start a discussion on ILPS, we must first know about the veil of the government i.e.; democracy. A great lie of Indian government will be democracy. This is the word the government uses to throw ash into people’s eyes to make the world a market place for the rich people. Its branches has reached my homeland Manipur too. So, I think we must have a discussion on weather we should have ILPS or not for saving the indigenous people. If a government truly upholds the democratic principles, I don’t think we need an ILPS.

Since many communities and ethnicities reside, the government might be at loss pondering which one community to protect and which one not? While trying to fulfil one’s brim, will it result in evaporating the others? This is a question well circulated among the numerically dominant meeteis, kukis and nagas. There are communities who will be at loss when there is ILPS. Are we going to hide the reasons forever?  They say it is a people’s movement but are we doing it just for the heck of it? Can’t we find the answers to these questions together? If this is a people’s movement, why didn’t they give an opportunity for an open dialogue?

On a concluding note, I would want to add that saving an indigenous population is a natural phenomenon in a just and equitable society. We need to work jointly here.

CPDM: How have you come to know about the inner line permit system? Would you share it with us?
Manishwar Nongmaithem: I was aware of the mobilisation of students for strike in the 80’s by AMSU during my school days at home. The movement was “chasing mayangs” back then (they didn’t say outsiders). But when I was in Delhi, in 2011, as a member of the Human Rights Committee of Manipur Students’ Association Delhi, a group of people from Manipur came for demanding ILPS. I interacted and had discussions with them and from then onwards I knew about the nature and meaning of ILPS.

CPDM: Do you think the student community should/ should not participate in the ilp movement? Please elaborate your statement.
Manishwar Nongmaithem: The students should take part in the Inner Line Permit System movement. When it is a movement of the land, it is natural for people to participate in it. I am of the opinion that it is also very important for the students to do whatever they can. Old age is inevitable, everyone must be aware of it. But, there is a big difference between getting old and having an indepth knowledge of the issues of the land. This is the reason why young students should take active role in the issues of the land. Even if peace prevails in the land, if the government does not pay attention to small issues like lack of teachers in the school, then it is natural for students to come out and demand for teachers. Studying is the duty of students but when the society that child belongs to is burning, will the student still sit back and study?

CPDM: Do you think students who have left Manipur for their studies should take part in political activities of such nature? Please elaborate.
Manishwar Nongmaithem: Many Manipuri students study outside. Even if they are out from Manipur, they are still Manipuris. I am sure everyone must have attachments for their homeland and ethnicities. However, not everyone thinks the same. People stand and do for what they believe in. And it is not that such people do not harm the situation of the land. Few students who are out of the state take part in the issues of the land. Students who are volunteers in student organisations are the ones taking active roles. Most do not want to participate. This is because they are either scared or lazy, shy, timid, lacks interest or time, has no political consciousness or maybe the present situation of the government has made them so. I have mentioned earlier too that in the political issues of the land, the people have a huge role to play. So, it should be kept in mind that in “the people”, the students are also involved. It is the student stage which is best suited for a political consciousness and to get involved in political activities of the land. This is the reason I believe that students should not remain mumed in institutes which supports the government as this will render unfit to the true meaning of students. Therefore, I am not in favour of concluding a precious student’s life only to the confines of books and syllabuses.

CPDM: Have you taken any initiative/ active role in the ILPS movement? If so, please state it. Did anyone force you to join the agitation or take responsibility of it?
Manishwar Nongmaithem: I have read articles and pamphlets on the Inner Line Permit System. As a political activist, I know my stand. I clearly know my goal, my duty, and my responsibility in the ILPS movement of the people.  If at any point of time an issue is brought up as an issue of the land at large, it is very important to discuss and dissect the ideology and goal of the individuals leading the movement. Because it will be wrong to be a part of any movement only because it is a people’s movement; it requires rigorous discussion. Similarly, the present ILPS movement, its genesis, and where it stands today, the people’s uprising, and the actions of the government, all of it must be discussed thoroughly. The student platforms provide room for debates of all sorts. This has given a wider opportunity to convey messages to young students and to the society. I have taken this opportunity to gather students (especially in Delhi) and have held talks and discussions on what ILPS is. We have together raised our voices to free ourselves from the demographic invasion arising out of the nature and policies of the government. Talks, meetings, discussions were conducted in different places with people from different communities. All these were done purely out of my own intention consciously and I think this needs to be done too.

CPDM: What are the reasons for the failure of ILPS demand movement?
Manishwar Nongmaithem:  There will be certain reasons for the ILPS movement not to be a successful one. Those are:

  1. They say it is a movement of the people of Manipur but not all communities are involved.
  2. There are many people/communities who are not in favour of ILPS in Manipur.
  3. The actions of the government suppress the people’s movement.
  4. The Indian government too has put aside this issue.
  5. How many of the demands in the ILPS movement are valid? This question needs to be asked.
  6. The government is an experienced one in tricking movements and uprisings.
  7. The committee which is taking a lead role in ILPS has not opened its doors for an open dialogue and,
  8. There are many loopholes in ILPS itself.

CPDM: What do you want to say to the government of Manipur with regards to the inner line permit system movement?
Manishwar Nongmaithem: I want to put forward these words to the dictator government of Manipur which is using the mask of democracy in relation to ILPS. They are:

  1. Stop this war you have carried out against the people of Manipur immediately.
  2. Revoke the restrictions you have imposed on the people i.e; curfew immediately and open the schools you have closed down.
  3. Give justice to Sapam Robinhood who has been killed in the democratic movement of the people.
  4. Take up steps to normalise the lives of people you have much tortured to divert the uprising.
  5. The government must take up immediate steps to bring a political solution to save the indigenous peoples of Manipur.
  6. The moral-less training of the state forces must be replaced by a new training method which is in tandem with the people.
  7. If you say that you are the government but don’t do your duty then you should resign immediately.

CPDM: What do you want to say to the government and police forces of Manipur on the issue of ILPS implementation?
Manishwar Nongmaithem: To the Manipur police and the government forces: The citizens are aware that the condition of the government has made the state forces a buy-able commodity in the market. People sell off their lands and properties to buy any government post for lakhs of rupees. Upto what extent will the people of Manipur have faith in them? For the government it is compulsory to pile up money for personal purpose. So, it won’t be wrong to state that most of the posts in Manipur Police must have been shared among the MLA’s. Those working in Manipur police are all Manipuris. I think the police should not behave in this brutal beastly manner to their own people or for the sake of humanity should have behaved humanly, even though the government directs them to behave brutality. The student they have killed might also be one of their locality mates. What poisonous potion has the government fed them that they, the forces who are supposed to protect us, are biting us instead? Don’t they have relatives, homes, children and locality mates? They will definitely have. Which face of their personality have they hidden for their family members? We the people of our land who are working for our land; are we going to end up like this by killing one another in broad day light? Don’t they have any thinking for the human society? Yes, it is true that you must have been given dangerous weapons, fed obnoxious drugs and must have gone through tough training regimes. But isn’t it time that you start thinking for whom it is? It is high time that we together save ourselves from drowning into the plots of the government.

CPDM: What message do you want to convey to the leaders and civil society organisations of ILPS movement?
Manishwar Nongmaithem: I put forward few words to the civil society organisations who has taken lead roles in the issues of the state in relation to the ILPS movement. First, I would be glad if you could organise or give an opportunity to organise mass inter community discussions on what ILP is, its nature, meaning etcetera. Being a state issue, many burdens and questions are bound to arise from all angles. If you consider these questions important, you can connect through social media to clear off the people’s doubts. I believe, you will stand firmly against the strong tide of the government. Most importantly, I would want the forerunners in the movement who are working on the platform of students to have proper classes on political consciousness and ideologies. The victory is for the people.

—x—

Read the interview series:  CPDM interview-series-why-young-student-activists-wanted-inner-line-permit-system-in-manipur

–> Interview with Haobam Supriya: ILPS Movement is a People’s Movement

–> Interview with Chingtham Balbir: ILPS Movement is not Selected Few

–> Interview with Thoithoi Huidrom: Stop not till the ILPS demand is achieved

–> Interview with Irengbam Priobata: No one forced me to participate in any students movements, I was happy to be part of it

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/cpdm-interview-series-they-say-ilps-is-a-movement-of-the-people-of-manipur-but-not-all-communities-are-involved-manishwar-nongmaithem/

Condolence To Churachandpur Victims And Solidarity To People’s Democratic Struggle

We express our heartfelt condolence to the untimely demise of Kuki brethren, who lost their precious lives in the course of series of unfortunate incidents in Churachandpur District (Manipur: India):

We express our heartfelt condolence to the untimely demise of Kuki brethren, who lost their precious lives in the course of series of unfortunate incidents in Churachandpur District (Manipur: India): the two persons who were burnt alive, one who succumbed to an accident injury, and five others who were killed in the repression. We share the grievances of the families and pray for the departed souls to rest in peace. We also convey our goodwill message to all the injured persons to recover soon.

We are aware of the restive situation erupted from 31 August 2015 onwards, against the three bills recently passed by the Government of Manipur; which has now spread like wildfire in the Manipur Hills. About 13 days before, the incident in Moreh Town on 18 August was a clear signal that any political decision that may encapsulate the entire Manipur, if there is no deliberate policy agenda to make it become a matter of contention and unrest, must first of all fulfil prior informed consent of the peoples for whom the decision has to be taken. The government, however, have always acted above community or popular conscience, as a result of which dissentions and unrests have become the order of the day. We wonder if the policy makers were either sincerely ignorant about the latent unrest vis-à-vis the bills or simply feigning ignorance to test the tolerance and capability of dissention or simply igniting communal flames to disunite peoples, to serve certain authoritarian interests. Although we do not approve violent mobbing, riots and destruction of properties in the name of protest; we held the government fully accountable for creating an atmosphere of mistrust and violent agitations in the Kuki clustered areas.

We are also aware that before the Kukis and the Nagas rose in protest against the bills, the peoples in the Manipur Valley had risen in agitations to demand Inner Line Permit System and they were brutally suppressed for some months. The unrest had affected the entire Manipur, particularly the larger bulk of the poor and daily wage earners. A student was killed in police action, about 450 were injured, hundreds were jailed and scores of properties were destroyed. All these could have been prevented, if the government had fulfilled the reasonable the demand without delay. After causing much damages, the government, on 31 August, passed three bills, which partly fulfilled the demands and pacified the agitation. What becomes apparent, however, is; while the wounds in the Valley have not been fully healed, the government have designed the bills in such a manner that it opened the door to different interpretations that inflicted wounds in the Hills. A Pandora’s Box is being opened to let loose sensitive issues, thereby, letting the wounded communities into tensions. In the melee of projecting community enemies, those who are in power often escaped away from the collective scrutiny of their arrogances and misrules.

We are witness to the manner the Kukis have reacted to their immediate representatives, the MLAs. The MLAs were singled out for unrepresenting the dissenting voice and their luxurious houses were burnt. Although we could not approve such violence and destructions; we cannot deny that these convey the message about the power of popular struggle. All these exemplify that the existing relation of powers, between the rulers and the ruled, can be turned into upside down, at the wink of eye, if the peoples want it. The Kuki agitation is limited in scope, as it is centred on the resentment against the bills. Given the nature of the demand and the leadership, which could not magnify beyond the higher demand for either VI Schedule or different administrative state for the Kukis: revolutionary direction towards an overall regime change, to free the society from inequality and bourgeoisie misrule, is still missing. However, the misruled Nagas, Meeteis and other minorities in Manipur have a lot to learn about their latent collective strength from this particular episode of Kuki agitation. The Kuki experience can also serve as a constant reminder to whosoever comes to the power, to have a second thought in policy framing and implementations.

Finally, we once again express our heartfelt condolence to all those from the Meeteis and Kukis who lost their precious lives in the course of different agitations in the last few months. We convey our goodwill message to all the injured persons to recover soon. We congratulate those in the Valley who have partly achieved their demand. We also express our solidarity to the democratic struggle in the Hills by those who do not want the bills to encroach upon their rights. We appeal to all, to arrive at a point, to ensure that the rights of indigenous peoples are collectively protected from the outsiders and capital intrusion that grabs land and resources in the guise of projects such as dams, mining, oil drilling, civil and defence infrastructures.

Long live people’s democratic struggle

Campaign for Peace & Democracy (Manipur)

4th September 2015

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/condolence-to-churachandpur-victims-and-solidarity-to-peoples-democratic-struggle/

Condolence To Churachandpur Victims And Solidarity To People’s Democratic Struggle

We express our heartfelt condolence to the untimely demise of Kuki brethren, who lost their precious lives in the course of series of unfortunate incidents in Churachandpur District (Manipur: India):

We express our heartfelt condolence to the untimely demise of Kuki brethren, who lost their precious lives in the course of series of unfortunate incidents in Churachandpur District (Manipur: India): the two persons who were burnt alive, one who succumbed to an accident injury, and five others who were killed in the repression. We share the grievances of the families and pray for the departed souls to rest in peace. We also convey our goodwill message to all the injured persons to recover soon.

We are aware of the restive situation erupted from 31 August 2015 onwards, against the three bills recently passed by the Government of Manipur; which has now spread like wildfire in the Manipur Hills. About 13 days before, the incident in Moreh Town on 18 August was a clear signal that any political decision that may encapsulate the entire Manipur, if there is no deliberate policy agenda to make it become a matter of contention and unrest, must first of all fulfil prior informed consent of the peoples for whom the decision has to be taken. The government, however, have always acted above community or popular conscience, as a result of which dissentions and unrests have become the order of the day. We wonder if the policy makers were either sincerely ignorant about the latent unrest vis-à-vis the bills or simply feigning ignorance to test the tolerance and capability of dissention or simply igniting communal flames to disunite peoples, to serve certain authoritarian interests. Although we do not approve violent mobbing, riots and destruction of properties in the name of protest; we held the government fully accountable for creating an atmosphere of mistrust and violent agitations in the Kuki clustered areas.

We are also aware that before the Kukis and the Nagas rose in protest against the bills, the peoples in the Manipur Valley had risen in agitations to demand Inner Line Permit System and they were brutally suppressed for some months. The unrest had affected the entire Manipur, particularly the larger bulk of the poor and daily wage earners. A student was killed in police action, about 450 were injured, hundreds were jailed and scores of properties were destroyed. All these could have been prevented, if the government had fulfilled the reasonable the demand without delay. After causing much damages, the government, on 31 August, passed three bills, which partly fulfilled the demands and pacified the agitation. What becomes apparent, however, is; while the wounds in the Valley have not been fully healed, the government have designed the bills in such a manner that it opened the door to different interpretations that inflicted wounds in the Hills. A Pandora’s Box is being opened to let loose sensitive issues, thereby, letting the wounded communities into tensions. In the melee of projecting community enemies, those who are in power often escaped away from the collective scrutiny of their arrogances and misrules.

We are witness to the manner the Kukis have reacted to their immediate representatives, the MLAs. The MLAs were singled out for unrepresenting the dissenting voice and their luxurious houses were burnt. Although we could not approve such violence and destructions; we cannot deny that these convey the message about the power of popular struggle. All these exemplify that the existing relation of powers, between the rulers and the ruled, can be turned into upside down, at the wink of eye, if the peoples want it. The Kuki agitation is limited in scope, as it is centred on the resentment against the bills. Given the nature of the demand and the leadership, which could not magnify beyond the higher demand for either VI Schedule or different administrative state for the Kukis: revolutionary direction towards an overall regime change, to free the society from inequality and bourgeoisie misrule, is still missing. However, the misruled Nagas, Meeteis and other minorities in Manipur have a lot to learn about their latent collective strength from this particular episode of Kuki agitation. The Kuki experience can also serve as a constant reminder to whosoever comes to the power, to have a second thought in policy framing and implementations.

Finally, we once again express our heartfelt condolence to all those from the Meeteis and Kukis who lost their precious lives in the course of different agitations in the last few months. We convey our goodwill message to all the injured persons to recover soon. We congratulate those in the Valley who have partly achieved their demand. We also express our solidarity to the democratic struggle in the Hills by those who do not want the bills to encroach upon their rights. We appeal to all, to arrive at a point, to ensure that the rights of indigenous peoples are collectively protected from the outsiders and capital intrusion that grabs land and resources in the guise of projects such as dams, mining, oil drilling, civil and defence infrastructures.

Long live people’s democratic struggle

Campaign for Peace & Democracy (Manipur)

4th September 2015

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/condolence-to-churachandpur-victims-and-solidarity-to-peoples-democratic-struggle/

Condolence To Churachandpur Victims And Solidarity To People’s Democratic Struggle

We express our heartfelt condolence to the untimely demise of Kuki brethren, who lost their precious lives in the course of series of unfortunate incidents in Churachandpur District (Manipur: India):

We express our heartfelt condolence to the untimely demise of Kuki brethren, who lost their precious lives in the course of series of unfortunate incidents in Churachandpur District (Manipur: India): the two persons who were burnt alive, one who succumbed to an accident injury, and five others who were killed in the repression. We share the grievances of the families and pray for the departed souls to rest in peace. We also convey our goodwill message to all the injured persons to recover soon.

We are aware of the restive situation erupted from 31 August 2015 onwards, against the three bills recently passed by the Government of Manipur; which has now spread like wildfire in the Manipur Hills. About 13 days before, the incident in Moreh Town on 18 August was a clear signal that any political decision that may encapsulate the entire Manipur, if there is no deliberate policy agenda to make it become a matter of contention and unrest, must first of all fulfil prior informed consent of the peoples for whom the decision has to be taken. The government, however, have always acted above community or popular conscience, as a result of which dissentions and unrests have become the order of the day. We wonder if the policy makers were either sincerely ignorant about the latent unrest vis-à-vis the bills or simply feigning ignorance to test the tolerance and capability of dissention or simply igniting communal flames to disunite peoples, to serve certain authoritarian interests. Although we do not approve violent mobbing, riots and destruction of properties in the name of protest; we held the government fully accountable for creating an atmosphere of mistrust and violent agitations in the Kuki clustered areas.

We are also aware that before the Kukis and the Nagas rose in protest against the bills, the peoples in the Manipur Valley had risen in agitations to demand Inner Line Permit System and they were brutally suppressed for some months. The unrest had affected the entire Manipur, particularly the larger bulk of the poor and daily wage earners. A student was killed in police action, about 450 were injured, hundreds were jailed and scores of properties were destroyed. All these could have been prevented, if the government had fulfilled the reasonable the demand without delay. After causing much damages, the government, on 31 August, passed three bills, which partly fulfilled the demands and pacified the agitation. What becomes apparent, however, is; while the wounds in the Valley have not been fully healed, the government have designed the bills in such a manner that it opened the door to different interpretations that inflicted wounds in the Hills. A Pandora’s Box is being opened to let loose sensitive issues, thereby, letting the wounded communities into tensions. In the melee of projecting community enemies, those who are in power often escaped away from the collective scrutiny of their arrogances and misrules.

We are witness to the manner the Kukis have reacted to their immediate representatives, the MLAs. The MLAs were singled out for unrepresenting the dissenting voice and their luxurious houses were burnt. Although we could not approve such violence and destructions; we cannot deny that these convey the message about the power of popular struggle. All these exemplify that the existing relation of powers, between the rulers and the ruled, can be turned into upside down, at the wink of eye, if the peoples want it. The Kuki agitation is limited in scope, as it is centred on the resentment against the bills. Given the nature of the demand and the leadership, which could not magnify beyond the higher demand for either VI Schedule or different administrative state for the Kukis: revolutionary direction towards an overall regime change, to free the society from inequality and bourgeoisie misrule, is still missing. However, the misruled Nagas, Meeteis and other minorities in Manipur have a lot to learn about their latent collective strength from this particular episode of Kuki agitation. The Kuki experience can also serve as a constant reminder to whosoever comes to the power, to have a second thought in policy framing and implementations.

Finally, we once again express our heartfelt condolence to all those from the Meeteis and Kukis who lost their precious lives in the course of different agitations in the last few months. We convey our goodwill message to all the injured persons to recover soon. We congratulate those in the Valley who have partly achieved their demand. We also express our solidarity to the democratic struggle in the Hills by those who do not want the bills to encroach upon their rights. We appeal to all, to arrive at a point, to ensure that the rights of indigenous peoples are collectively protected from the outsiders and capital intrusion that grabs land and resources in the guise of projects such as dams, mining, oil drilling, civil and defence infrastructures.

Long live people’s democratic struggle

Campaign for Peace & Democracy (Manipur)

4th September 2015

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/condolence-to-churachandpur-victims-and-solidarity-to-peoples-democratic-struggle/

Condolence To Churachandpur Victims And Solidarity To People’s Democratic Struggle

We express our heartfelt condolence to the untimely demise of Kuki brethren, who lost their precious lives in the course of series of unfortunate incidents in Churachandpur District (Manipur: India):

We express our heartfelt condolence to the untimely demise of Kuki brethren, who lost their precious lives in the course of series of unfortunate incidents in Churachandpur District (Manipur: India): the two persons who were burnt alive, one who succumbed to an accident injury, and five others who were killed in the repression. We share the grievances of the families and pray for the departed souls to rest in peace. We also convey our goodwill message to all the injured persons to recover soon.

We are aware of the restive situation erupted from 31 August 2015 onwards, against the three bills recently passed by the Government of Manipur; which has now spread like wildfire in the Manipur Hills. About 13 days before, the incident in Moreh Town on 18 August was a clear signal that any political decision that may encapsulate the entire Manipur, if there is no deliberate policy agenda to make it become a matter of contention and unrest, must first of all fulfil prior informed consent of the peoples for whom the decision has to be taken. The government, however, have always acted above community or popular conscience, as a result of which dissentions and unrests have become the order of the day. We wonder if the policy makers were either sincerely ignorant about the latent unrest vis-à-vis the bills or simply feigning ignorance to test the tolerance and capability of dissention or simply igniting communal flames to disunite peoples, to serve certain authoritarian interests. Although we do not approve violent mobbing, riots and destruction of properties in the name of protest; we held the government fully accountable for creating an atmosphere of mistrust and violent agitations in the Kuki clustered areas.

We are also aware that before the Kukis and the Nagas rose in protest against the bills, the peoples in the Manipur Valley had risen in agitations to demand Inner Line Permit System and they were brutally suppressed for some months. The unrest had affected the entire Manipur, particularly the larger bulk of the poor and daily wage earners. A student was killed in police action, about 450 were injured, hundreds were jailed and scores of properties were destroyed. All these could have been prevented, if the government had fulfilled the reasonable the demand without delay. After causing much damages, the government, on 31 August, passed three bills, which partly fulfilled the demands and pacified the agitation. What becomes apparent, however, is; while the wounds in the Valley have not been fully healed, the government have designed the bills in such a manner that it opened the door to different interpretations that inflicted wounds in the Hills. A Pandora’s Box is being opened to let loose sensitive issues, thereby, letting the wounded communities into tensions. In the melee of projecting community enemies, those who are in power often escaped away from the collective scrutiny of their arrogances and misrules.

We are witness to the manner the Kukis have reacted to their immediate representatives, the MLAs. The MLAs were singled out for unrepresenting the dissenting voice and their luxurious houses were burnt. Although we could not approve such violence and destructions; we cannot deny that these convey the message about the power of popular struggle. All these exemplify that the existing relation of powers, between the rulers and the ruled, can be turned into upside down, at the wink of eye, if the peoples want it. The Kuki agitation is limited in scope, as it is centred on the resentment against the bills. Given the nature of the demand and the leadership, which could not magnify beyond the higher demand for either VI Schedule or different administrative state for the Kukis: revolutionary direction towards an overall regime change, to free the society from inequality and bourgeoisie misrule, is still missing. However, the misruled Nagas, Meeteis and other minorities in Manipur have a lot to learn about their latent collective strength from this particular episode of Kuki agitation. The Kuki experience can also serve as a constant reminder to whosoever comes to the power, to have a second thought in policy framing and implementations.

Finally, we once again express our heartfelt condolence to all those from the Meeteis and Kukis who lost their precious lives in the course of different agitations in the last few months. We convey our goodwill message to all the injured persons to recover soon. We congratulate those in the Valley who have partly achieved their demand. We also express our solidarity to the democratic struggle in the Hills by those who do not want the bills to encroach upon their rights. We appeal to all, to arrive at a point, to ensure that the rights of indigenous peoples are collectively protected from the outsiders and capital intrusion that grabs land and resources in the guise of projects such as dams, mining, oil drilling, civil and defence infrastructures.

Long live people’s democratic struggle

Campaign for Peace & Democracy (Manipur)

4th September 2015

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/condolence-to-churachandpur-victims-and-solidarity-to-peoples-democratic-struggle/

Robinhood finally laid to rest; record turn-out of supporters during funeral

IMPHAL, September 3: Lamjing Meira Sapam Robinhood was finally laid to rest in a fitting traditional burial with prayers and salutation from thousands of people today. The atmosphere was such

People surround the truck carrying Sapam Robinhood’s body on Thursday.

People surround the truck carrying Sapam Robinhood’s body on Thursday.

IMPHAL, September 3: Lamjing Meira Sapam Robinhood was finally laid to rest in a fitting traditional burial with prayers and salutation from thousands of people today.

The atmosphere was such that 117 people fainted during his funeral procession and were admitted at the Jawaharlal Nehru Institute of Medical Sciences.

Thousands of people from all walks of life participated in his last rites from early morning till late evening until his body was buried at the foothills of Awa Ching of Baruni Ching under Imphal East district around 6:30 pm.

Since early morning, people started flooding all routes towards the JNIMS morgue where the 17-year old`™s lifeless body was kept for nearly two months – 58 days to be precise- since July 8 when he was killed in police action against a student rally demanding implementation of the ILPS in the State.

Robinhood`™s body was carried in a Keiren Keichao adorned with traditional Heikat Leikat.

The JAC Robinhood along with the JCILPS and other supporting student bodies led the funeral procession from the JNIMS morgue to his residence in Lairikyengbam Leikai and to his birthplace, Keishamthong after a stopover at his school, Ananda Higher Secondary Academy.

The procession carrying his body also passed through Khurai Lamlong, Soibam Leikai, Nongmeibung, Yaiskul and after reaching Keishamthong turned backed.

At his Lairikyengbam Leikai, his family and relatives bade their final goodbyes and adorned his lifeless body with prayers and floral tributes. At his school there was an emotional condolence where the students and teachers paid their last respects.

People thronged the routes paying respect to the martyr, who had sacrificed his life for the indigenous people of the State.

Thousands chanted slogans of patriotism and acknowledgement of his sacrifice along the routes. The streets were adorned with floral tributes as people showered blessings and flowers to the body of Sapam Robinhood along the route.

Several people were emotional about his sacrifice and partake in the long distance march up to the hillock where he was buried.

The burial was preceded by solemn indigenous rituals including a Thang-ta salute and an adorning song composed for the martyr.

The tribute song was written by Narendra Ningomba with music and composition by Hamom Naba and Rahul.

Despite the scorching sun in the morning and the rain in the afternoon, the spirit of oneness and solidarity was solid and explicitly shown by the multitudes of men and women participating in the procession.

Men and women, young and old joined the funeral march and attended his burial ceremony without flinching despite the distance and the slippery uphill climb.

All those who had been on hunger strike till today also attended the funeral and decided to walk the length of the hill. And during the mournful funeral after sunset at the Awa Ching, several people fainted and since the back-up ambulance services was not sufficient, other volunteers assisted to transport the patients till the hospital.

During the funeral, there was a brief drizzle as the fog descended from the mountains to envelop the site.

And as darkness sets in, the body was buried with a mournful farewell from the thousands of well-wishers.

The Khetrigao Meitei Pangal inclusive of men and women, young and old conducted a cleanliness drive at the burial spot and the adjoining road during the last three days.

They also prepared the graveyard for Sapam Robinhood`™s burial today.

It may be mentioned here that late Sapam Robinhood died in police action on July 8 while he was participating in a rally demanding legal protection of the native people of Manipur.

The Government of Manipur ultimately passed three bills in the assembly on the 31 of August after the agitation aggravated following Sapam Robinhood`™s death.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/robinhood-finally-laid-to-rest-record-turnout-of-supporters-during-funeral/

Government ready for dialogue: Gaikhangam sends out message

IMPHAL, September 3: Deputy Chief Minister Gaikhangam assured the people of the hills that the three bills passed by the State Assembly on August 31 will not affect the hill

IMPHAL, September 3: Deputy Chief Minister Gaikhangam assured the people of the hills that the three bills passed by the State Assembly on August 31 will not affect the hill areas or interest of the hill people.

Reiterating an assurance made repeatedly by the Chief Minister, he said The Protection of Manipur Peoples Bill 2015 and the two related bills will not affect the interest of the people of hills.

Speaking to media persons at his official quarter at Babupara this morning, the deputy Chief Minister said if in case any mistakes in the bills are pointed out, the State government is ready to rectify it.

He said the Chief Minister has already sent out his invitations to the local bodies, civil society organisations to discuss the grievances of the people and is awaiting their responses.

He said the situation in Churachandpur is still tense, but it is under control.

The government is determined to send the chief secretary at Churachandpur to have dialogue with local leaders, students`™ bodies and civil society organisations, Gaikhangam said.

`We expect some development will take place in a day or so,` he said.

Additional DGP Manipur LM Khoute and other senior police officers are presently stationed there at Churachandpur and they have requested the civil society leaders to discuss the issue, he continued.

If there are enough reasons to withdraw the bills, it could be considered, Gaikhangam said, replying to a media query on the demand of the agitators to withdraw the bill within 10-days.

`The first and foremost thing is to sit together and iron out the differences and if there is any room for rectification the government is ready to do that,` he added.

`As far as the government is concerned we can`™t find or we don`™t find anything wrong that can affect the interest of hill people in the bills passed by the Assembly,` he maintained.

`I on behalf of the government would like to express our deepest condolence for the loss of precious lives during the agitation and also pray for the speedy recovery of the injured persons,` he further said.

The incidents of burning down of houses and properties of MLAs and ministers might have been caused due to lacking of communication, misunderstanding and rumors, he said, and appealed the people not to believe in rumours.

On being asked if there was any negligence on the part of the police that led to the agitators succeeding in burning down the houses and properties of the MLAs and ministers, he replied that the police are helpless as they cannot spray bullets on the armless agitators.

The police have done their best to control the mob by various means including lathi charge, firing mock bombs and tear gas cells etc.

`Meitei, Kuki, Naga, Meitei Pangan are all children of our mother Manipur. We have to live together so please calm down and talk the things out,` he added.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/government-ready-for-dialogue-gaikhangam-sends-out-message/

THE MANIPUR SHOPS AND ESTABLISHMENTS (2nd AMENDMENT) BILL, 2015

Bill No. 18 of 2015 (As introduced in the Manipur Legislative Assembly)     THE MANIPUR SHOPS AND ESTABLISHMENTS (SECOND AMENDMENT) BILL, 2015 A BILL to amend further the Manipur

Bill No. 18 of 2015

(As introduced in the Manipur Legislative Assembly)

 

 

THE MANIPUR SHOPS AND ESTABLISHMENTS

(SECOND AMENDMENT) BILL, 2015

A

BILL

to amend further the Manipur Shops and Establishments Act, 1972 (Manipur Act No. 4 of 1973).

 

 

Be it enacted by the Legislature of Manipur in the Sixty-sixth Year of the Republic of India as follows:

 

Short title and commencement

  1.      (1) This Act may be called the Manipur Shops and Establishments (Second Amendment) Act, 2015.

(2) It shall come into force from such date as the State Government may, by notification in the Official Gazette, appoint.

  1. In clause (6) of section 2 of the Manipur Shops and Establishments Act, 1972 (hereinafter referred to as the Principal Act), in between the words ”a person” and ”wholly”, the words ”who is registered with, and issued a valid identity card by the Registering Officer” shall be inserted.

 

Addition of new section 7 A

3. After section 7 of the Principal Act, the following new section 7A shall be added, namely, —

”7A. (1) The Registering Officer appointed under section 5A shall also be the Registering Officer for registration of employees under this Act.

(2) Every employer shall register the names and particulars of every employee employed by him, within a week of such employment, with the Registering Officer.

(3) An employer who fails to register an employee under sub-section (2) shall be liable to pay a fine of rupees five thousand.

(4) The Registering Officer shall issue, in such form and in such manner as may be prescribed, an identity card to such registered employee.

(5) The identity card issued under sub-section (2) shall be valid for a period of one year from the date of registration of the employee by the Registering Officer and shall be renewable for every one year. The employee shall surrender his identity card to the employer on cessation of his employment by the employer. The employer shall immediately furnish to the Registering Officer the name and particulars of the employees who ceased to be his employee.

(6) The Registering Officer shall maintain a register of registered employees and identity card in such form and in such manner as may be prescribed.

 

Amendment of section 37

  1. After clause (h) of sub-section (2) of section 37 of the Principal Act, the following new clauses (i) and (j) shall be added, namely —

”(i) form and manner of issue of identity card under sub-section (4) of section 7A.’

(j) form and manner of register to be maintained under sub-section (6) of section 7A.”

 

 

STATEMENT OF OBJECTS AND REASONS

The Manipur Shops and Establishments Act, 1972 provides for registration of shops/ establishments and regulation of employment and conditions of service of the employees employed in shops/ establishments.

The said Act does not provide for registration of employees employed in any shop or establishment and for issuing Identity Card. The proposed law is to provide for registration of employees by the employers and to issue identity cards to the employees to protect the interest of such employees.

Hence the Bill.

 

Imphal                                                                                     I. Hemochandra Singh

August 28, 2015

 

 

 

MEMORANDUM ON DELEGATION LEGISLATION

The proposed sub-section (4) of section 7A to be added by clause 3 of the Manipur Shops and Establishments (Second Amendment) Bill, 2015 seeks to empower the State Government to provide in the rules the form and manner of the identity cards to be issued to the registered employees.

Sub-section (6) of the said section 7A proposes to empower the State Government to provide in the rules the form and manner of the register to be maintained for the registered employees.

The delegations are not excessive and normal in character.

 

FINANCIAL MEMORANDUM

As and when the proposed Manipur Shops and Establishments (Second Amendment) Bill, 2015 is enacted, there will be no expenditure from the consolidated fund of the State.

—–x—–

Three Bills Passed by Government of Manipur:

1. The Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015

2. The Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms (7th Amendment ) Bill, 2015

3. The Manipur Shops and Establishments (2nd Amendment) Bill, 2015

 

 

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/the-manipur-shops-and-establishments-2nd-amendment-bill-2015/

CPDM on present conflict on Protection Bill

  In response to the years long movement demanding implementation of an Inner Line Permit System in Manipur, the Government of Manipur have recently passed three bills; the Protection of

 

In response to the years long movement demanding implementation of an Inner Line Permit System in Manipur, the Government of Manipur have recently passed three bills; the Protection of Manipur People Bill 2015, the Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms Amendment Bill 2015, and the Manipur Shops and Establishments Bill 2015. These bills have been achieved after prolonged struggle that had affected most of the people (in Manipur) in some way or the other such as heavy repressions, casualties, arrests, riots, destruction of properties and obstructions to the normal functioning of democratic order.

 

Read about “The Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015″

 

Some sections of the population, however, have expressed dissatisfaction to the bills. The hard core pro ILP Sections felt that their demand have not been fully fulfilled by these bills. They considered that the Government still enjoys the power to sell land to the outsiders. Economically powerful outsiders can still buy land, if they are being favoured by those who are with the administration. There is no clear cut provision on the protection of the local labour and professionals, as outsider employees are exempted from the permit system. Whereas registered local entrepreneurs who fail to get their employees registered had to be penalised, there is no penalty against outsiders who would violate the provisions of the bills, such as entry without a valid pass or who fail to get their name registered in the concerned Directorate. There is also no provision on the detection of the landowner outsiders and corresponding actions to be taken up against them.

 

Read about “Manipur Land Revenue & Land reforms (Seventh Amendment) Bill, 2015

 

The bills have been openly opposed by the ‘tribal’ organisations, who claimed control of the Manipur Hill districts, particularly those of the Kuki Chin Mizo communities. They started feeling insecure as many of them, either those who probably immigrated to Manipur after 1951 or whose lineages may not be found in the list criteria mentioned in the Bills, could be treated as outsiders and lose their landed rights and properties tied with land. The other tribes have also expressed the similar concern. While trying to project the bills as pro-Meetei, they, however, fail to see that no one who come after 1951 is exempted from the permit system, including some sections of the Meeteis and others who came to Manipur after 1951. What they could have argued is that that the cut of base year 1951, to detect outsiders, would be redundant in regards to those settled immigrants after 1951 who have close ethnic ties with the one or the other ‘indigenous’ community. However, this insecurity interplayed with the propaganda that the Manipur Land Revenue and Reform Act 1960 have been extended to the hill districts, which is untrue as there is no amendment in the territorial extent of the said Act.

 

Read about “The Manipur Shops & Establishments (Second Amendment) Bill, 2015″

 

The resentment against the bills, which have affected Churachandpur, Kangpokpi and Moreh towns and other hill areas would not have been escalated into the present scale of unrest, had the Government of Manipur consulted the Hill Areas Committee or other responsible ‘tribal’ organisations to resolve any misunderstanding before passing the bills. The Government of Manipur had been lacking transparent in this regards; to the extent that these bills had not been made officially public till date. On the other-hand there has been inherent sectarianism of the civil societies that are either in favour of or against these bills. Neither the organisation that had led the ILP movement nor the tribal organisations who protest the bills had approached one another for a dialogue and understanding in this regards. From the beginning the ILP movement was mostly confined in the Valley Districts, while those in the Hills have isolated themselves from the movement thinking that they have been protected from outsiders under the existing laws. There were avoidable conflicts, which would have not occurred if these organisation had pursued for democratic solution to any of the complex issues. Now, when tensions have been spread due to misunderstanding and absence of dialogue, there seems to be roles of certain vested political groups to add fuel to magnify the unrest situation, to justify imposition of President Rule to topple down the incumbent congress ministry.

Our concern, however, is that all these unrest, rioting and repression has led to heavy toll and casualty on the civilians, destruction of properties and communal mistrusts. The common peoples are the losers in this conflict; as we know, the elite will negotiate at the negotiation table and share any form of loot from the public fund. We question: what are these bills that have caused dissatisfactions and misunderstandings to different sections of the population? Is there no room to either clarify the misunderstanding or add some clauses in the bills to resolve the immediate tension? Can the ‘indigenous insiders’ protect themselves from outsiders without promoting mutual trust, respect and co-operation amongst themselves? What the people need to realise is that they are trapped by the same fate of political betrayal and marginalisation. Unless they fight collectively on the basis of mutual respect and consensus, they are the losers. We, therefore, call upon the concerned civil society organisations, political parties, and other stake holders to have a dialogue on the Manipur People Protection Bill 2015 and the amendments in other two bills. We appeal them to help in defusing tension, demilitarisation and address the grievances of the affected families across communities.

 

Campaign for Peace & Democracy (Manipur)

2nd September 2015

 

Three Bills Passed by Government of Manipur:

1. The Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015

2. The Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms (7th Amendment ) Bill, 2015

3. The Manipur Shops and Establishments (2nd Amendment) Bill, 2015

 

 

 

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/cpdm-on-present-conflict-on-protection-bill/

THE MANIPUR LAND REVENUE AND LAND REFORMS (7th AMENDMENT) BILL, 2015

THE MANIPUR LAND REVENUE AND LAND REFORMS (SEVENTH AMENDMENT) BILL, 2015 A Bill to amend the Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms Act, 1960 (No. 33 of 1960) Whereas 10%

THE MANIPUR LAND REVENUE AND LAND REFORMS

(SEVENTH AMENDMENT) BILL, 2015

A

Bill

to amend the Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms Act, 1960 (No. 33 of 1960)

Whereas 10% of the geographical area of the State of Manipur is valley area and the remaining 90% is hill areas; and

Whereas 60% of the population of the State resides in the valley areas and the population density in the valley areas is 730 while in the hill areas it is 61 as per the 2011 Census; and

Whereas there is tremendous pressure in the limited valley areas, with the increase in the population in the immediate future, there are likely to be many families without any residential plots; and

Whereas under section 158 of the Manipur Land Revenue & Land Reforms Act, 1960, land belonging to a Scheduled Tribe in the valley areas cannot be sold to a non Scheduled Tribe without the prior consent of the Deputy Commissioner concerned; and

Whereas, it is therefore, considered necessary to regulate the sale of land to Non Manipur persons of the State so that the limited available land in the valley area are available to all the permanent residents of the State in the interest of the general public.

BE it enacted by the Legislature of Manipur in the Sixty-sixth Year of the Republic of India as follows :

Short title and commencement

    1. This Act may be called the Manipur Land Revenue Reformed (Seventh Amendment) Act, 2015.
    2. It shall come into force from such date as the State Government may, by notification in the official Gazatte, appoint.
  1. After section 14 of the Principal Act, the following new section 14 A shall be inserted, namely,-

( Insertion of new section 14.A )

14 A. Purchase of land by a Non Manipur Person.-

(1) Notwithstanding anything contained in this Act, Non Manipur persons, firms, institutions or any other similar entities who intend to purchase any land in the State of Manipur shall submit an application to the Deputy Commissioner of the district concerned where the land to be purchased is situated for obtaining the prior approval of the State Government before such purchase is made by him.

(2) For the purpose of sub-section (1), an application shall be made in the prescribed form and shall contain the particulars of the said seller, classification of the land, Patta No., Dag No., area of the land, and the purpose for use of the land and such other particulars as may be prescribed.

(3) The Deputy Commissioner on receipt of an application solicit recommendation from Local Body/ Authority/ Local Self Government and thereafter shall make an inquiry in respect of the application received under sub-section (2) in such manner as may be prescribed and shall submit the application along with the report of such inquiry and his comments to the State Government.

(4) The State Government shall, on receipt of the application and the report under sub-section (3), process the matter for its final decision:

Provided that the State Government shall grant its approval to the said sale of land only after obtaining the approval of the State cabinet.

(5) The State Government shall intimate the final decision on the application to the applicant”

(Insertion of new section 14.B)

14 B. Allotment of land to a Non Manipur Person.- Allotment of land to a Non Manipur Person, Firms, Institutions or any other similar entities shall be made by the Government after obtaining prior approval of the State Cabinet.”

STATEMENT OF OBJECTS AND REASONS

The population of Manipur has reached 28.56 lakhs as per 2011 census. The population density of the 4 (four) Valley Districts has reached 730 while in the 5 (five) Hill Districts where there is restriction of purchase of land by non-scheduled Tribe is 61. Hence there is tremendous pressure on land especially in the 4 (four) Valley Districts of Manipur. The Manipur Conservation of Paddy Land and Wetland Act, 2014 has been enacted to conserve the Paddy Land and Wetland spreading in the 4 (four) Valley Districts.

There has been apprehension among the general public of Manipur that without regulation on sale of land in the very near future many families in the State may not have a roof over their heads. Hence, there is an urgent need to regulate the sale of lands to Non-Manipur persons.

Hence the Bill.

Imphal

August, 2015

Th. Debendra Singh

 

MEMORANDUM ON DELEGATED LEGISLATION

The proposed sub sections (2) and (3) of section 14A to be added by clause 2 of the bill in the Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms Act, 1960 seek to empower the State Government to provide in the rules the form of application to be submitted by a Non Manipuri Person, firms, institution or any other similar entities.

The delegation is not excessive and normal in character.

 

FINANCIAL MEMORANDUM

After enactment of this Bill, there shall be no additional financial liability to the Consolidated Fund of the State.

——-x——

 

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/the-manipur-land-revenue-and-land-reforms-bill-2015/

THE PROTECTION OF MANIPUR PEOPLE BILL, 2015

Bill no. 16 of 2015      THE PROTECTION OF MANIPUR PEOPLE BILL, 2015 (As introduced in the Manipur Legislative Assembly on 28/08/2015) (Recommendations of the Governor of Manipur under

Bill no. 16 of 2015

 

  

THE PROTECTION OF MANIPUR PEOPLE BILL, 2015

(As introduced in the Manipur Legislative Assembly on 28/08/2015)

(Recommendations of the Governor of Manipur under clauses (1) and (3) of article 207 of the Constitution of India have been obtained)

 

 

 

Bill no. 16 of 2015

( As introduced in the Manipur Legislative Assembly )

THE PROTECTION OF MANIPUR PEOPLE BILL, 2015

A

BILL

to provide protection, maintenance of socio-economic and cultural balance of the Manipur People and for maintenance of peace and public order in the State of Manipur and regulation of entry into and exit from Manipur for Non Manipur persons and tenants in the interest of general and for matter connected therewith or incidental thereto.

BE it enacted by the Legislature of Manipur in the Sixty-sixth year of Republic of India as follow:

 

Short title, extent and commencement.

    1. This Act may be called the protection of Manipur People Act, 2015
    2. It shall extend to the whole State of Manipur.
    3. It shall come into force on such date as the State Government may, by notification in the Official Gazette, appoint.

 

Definitions

2.  In this Act, unless the context otherwise requires,-

(a) “Director” means the Director of Registration of Non Manipur Persons and Tenants, appointed under sub-section (2) of section 3 of this act;

(b) “Manipur people” means Persons of Manipur whose name are in the National Register of Citizens, 1951 Census Report 1951 and Village Directory of 1951 and their descendants who have contributed to the collective social, cultural and economic life of Manipur;

(c) “Non-Manipur person” means a person who is not covered by Clause (b) of Section 2, and who intends to visit the State of Manipur with a Pass issued under sub-section (4) of section 4;

(d) “owner” means a persons who owns land, building, hotel, motel or any other property in the State and includes a power of attorney holder or a person duly authorized to be in charge of the same.

(e) “Pass” means an authorized document issued by the Registration Authority under this Act;

(f) “prescribed” means as prescribed by rule made under this Act;

(g) “registration authority” means the registration authority for registration of Non-Manipur Persons designated under section (3) of section 4 of this Act;

(h) “State” means the State of Manipur;

(i) “State Government” means the State Government of Manipur; and

(j) “tenant” means a person to the State and who pays rent of hiring charges for temporary use and occupation of land, building, or other property and this definition shall continue this Act only.

 

Directorate of Registration of NonManipur Persons and Tenants

  1. (1) For the purpose of this Act, the State Government shall establish a Directorate of Registration of Non Manipur Persons and Tenants consisting of a Director and as many officers and staff as it may consider necessary.

(2) An officer not below the rank of Class-1 Officer of the State Government shall be appointed as the Director by          the State Government.

(3) The salaries and allowances and other conditions of the service of the Director, shall be as permissible under the relevant service rules and salaries and allowances of other officers and staff shall be such as prescribed by and the officials and officers of the Directorate shall be under the administrative control of the Home Department of the Government of Manipur, which shall open a special cell for the purpose.

(4) Every officer and staff of the Directorate of Registration of Non-Manipur Persons and Tenants shall be subordinate to the Director.

(5) The Director shall supervise the registration and issue of passes to the Non Manipur Persons and receipts to the owners hosting the tenants and shall have other administrative powers and functions as prescribed.

 

Registration of Non Manipur persons and establishment of registration centre

  1. (1) At the commencement of this Act, every Non Manipur Person entering the State shall register himself with the registration authority designated under sub-section (3) of this section.

(2)For the purpose of sub-section (1), the State Government shall establish registration centres for Non Manipur Persons at such places as may be notified in the Official Gazette by the State Government from time to time.

(3) The State Government shall designate as many officers of the State Government as the registration authority at every registration centre for registering the Non Manipur Persons entering the state.

 (4) The registration authority shall, if he is satisfied that the Non Manipur Person is a bonafied citizen of India, issue a Pass to the Non Manipur Person, in such form and in such manner as may be prescribed, specifying his place of origin and the period of stay which shall not be more than six months from the date of issue:

Provided that the period of stay may be extend from time to time by the Director:

Provided further that when a Non-Manipur person is denied to the issue of a Pass by the registration authority, he may make an application to the Director for redressal of his grievances and to enable such person to approach the Director for the purpose, a temporary Pass may be issued. 

Explanation.- For the purposes of this section, a Non Manipur Person shall be deemed to be citizen of India on production of his voter’s identity card issued by the Election Commission of India or ration card issued by a competent authority or such other documents as may be prescribed.

(5) The registration authority shall maintain a register containing the passes issued to the Non Manipur Persons, shall submit a report of such registration to the Director.

 

Compulsory Registration of Non Manipur persons and tenants

  1. Every owner who lets out accommodation to a Non Manipur Person shall maintain a register in such from as may be prescribed and enter the name and particulars of every Non Manipur Person as tenant, and particulars of such entries shall be submitted by the owner to the Director for every fortnight.

 

Issue of receipt to the owner

  1. The Director shall enter the name and particulars of the Non Manipur Person furnished under section 5 by the owner in a register to be maintained in such form and in such manner as may be prescribed, and shall be issue a receipt to the owner in such form and in such manner as may be prescribed, to effect that the tenant has been registered by the owner of the premises.

 

Offence and penalty

  1. Any owner who fails to furnish the names and particulars of the tenants to the Director within the period specified in section 5 shall be punishable with fine up to a minimum of two thousand rupees but not exceeding five thousand rupees.

 

Persons to be exempted

8. The provisions of this Act shall not apply to-

(a) the native people of the State of Manipur

(b) persons employed in connection with affairs of the Union Government, the State Government, Public Undertaking, and persons employed by a local authority or a body established by law with the approval of the state Government, high dignitaries, students of educational institutions situated in the state or such other persons may be determined by the State Government from time to time.

Explanation.- For the purpose of this section, production of a valid card issued by the concerned authority of the employee or the educational institution or such other documentary evidence for such employment or studentship.

Protection of action taken in good faith

  1. No suit, prosecution or other legal proceedings shall lie against any officer of the State Government for anything which is in good faith done or intended to be done under this Act.

 

Power to make rules

10. (1) The State Government may, by notification in the Official Gazette, make rules to carry out the purpose of this Act.

(2) In particular and without prejudice to the generality of foregoing powers, such rule may provide for all or any of the following matters, namely,-

(a) the salaries and allowances and conditions of the service of the officers and staff under sub-section (3) of section 3;

(b) to establish registration centre for Non Manipur Person under sub-section (2) of section 4;

(c) form and manner of issue of pass to be issued to the Non- Manipur persons under sub-section (4) of section 4;

(d) form and manner of renewal of Pass issued under this Act under sub-section (4) of section 4;

(e) forms and manner of issue of the receipt to be issued to the owners under sections 6;

(f) form and manner of maintenance of the register under sub-section (5) of section 4 and section 6; and

(g) any other matter which is required to be, or may be prescribed.

(3) Every rule made under this Act shall be laid, as soon as may be after it is made, before the Manipur Legislative Assembly, while it is in session, for a total period of thirty days which may be comprised in one session or in two or more successive session, and if, before the expiry of the session immediately following the session of successive session aforesaid, the House agrees in making any modification in the rule or the House agrees that the rule should not be made, the rule shall, thereafter, have effect only in such modifies form or be of no effect, as the case may be, so however, that any such modification or annulment shall be without prejudice to the validity of anything previously done under that rule.

 

Power to remove difficulties

  1. If any difficulty arises in giving effect to the previous of this Act, the State Government may, by order, make such provisions or give such directions not inconsistent with the provisions of this Act as may appear to it to be necessary or expedient for the removal of the difficulty.

Provided that no such power shall be exercised after the expiry of a period of two years from the commencement of this Act.

 

 

STATEMENTS OF OBJECTS AND REASON

Manipur is one of the hill States in the North-Eastern region of India. Manipur has a geographical area of 22,327 sq km which constitutes 0.7% of the total land surface of India. 90% of the total geographical area of the State, i.e. 20,089 sq km is covered by hills and the remaining area is a small valley covering only 2,238 sq km. According to 2011 Census, the population of the State is 28.56 lakhs approximately. The density of the population of Manipur as per 2011 Census was 128 per sq km against 103 per sq km in 2001 Census. The population growth rate of Manipur is found to be higher than that of India.

Before the merger of Manipur to India on 15-10-1949, the entry into Manipur was regulated by imposition of a permit system. That permit system was abolished w.e.f. 18-11-1950 by a notification issued by the then Chief Commissioner of Manipur. Since then, there is no restriction on the entry by the citizen of India. The increase in the population has caused a panic in the mind of the people of Manipur. Of late, a mass movement by the people of Manipur of losing their existence can be done away with a reasonable restriction in the influx of Non-Manipur people. Further, the Non-Manipur people who intended to stay in the State as tenants need to be regulated with certain reasonable restrictions.

It has become therefore, expedient to enact a law to maintain tranquility and police order in the interest of general public by registering the Non-Manipur people and the owners who provide accommodation to the tenants.

The Bill proposes to establish a Directorate for effective supervision to the implementation of the issue of Pass to the Non-Manipur people and issue of receipts to the owners hosting the tenants in the State of Manipur.

Hence the Bill.

Imphal                                                                                                                                                                        Okram Ibobi

August, 2015

 

 

MEMORANDUM ON DELEGATION LEGISLATION

Sub-clause use (3) of Clause 1 of the Bill proposes to empower the State Government to appoint the date for coming into force of the proposed law.

Sub-clause (3) of Clause 3 of the Bill seeks to empower the State Government to prescribe the salaries, allowances and conditions of service of officers and staff of the Directorate of Registration of Non-Manipur persons and tenants.

Sub-clause (2) of Clause 4 of the Bill proposes to empower the State Government to determine places for establishment of the registration centres.

Sub-clause (3) of Clause 4 seeks to empower the State Government to designate as many officers of the State Government as the registration authority.

Sub-clause (4) of Clause 4 of the Bill seeks to empower the State Government to prescribe the form and manner of issue of the pass.

Clause 5 empowers the State Government to prescribe the form of register to be maintained by the owner for entering the names and particulars of the tenants.

Clause 6 empowers the State Government to prescribe the form and the manner for maintenance of the register and the receipt by the Director.

Clause  8(b)  empowers  the  State  Government  to  determine  other  persons  to  be exempted from the application of this proposed law.

Clause 10 provides the general rule making power to carry out the purposes of this proposed law.

Clause 11 of the Bill empowers the State Government to remove difficulties for a period of two years from the date of the commencement of the proposed law.

The delegations are not excessive and are normal in character.

 

 

FINANCIAL MEMORANDUM

As and when the proposed law is enacted and implemented, to enable the proposed Directorate and its sub-ordinate offices function fully, there will be an approximate non-recurring expenditure of Rs. 10.00 crores for the development of infrastructure and an approximate recurring expenditure of Rs. 80.00 lakhs per annum on account of salaries, maintenance etc. form the Consolidated Fund of the State for running the Directorate of Registration of persons and tenants.

——x——

Three Bills Passed by Government of Manipur:

1. The Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015

2. The Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms (7th Amendment ) Bill, 2015

3. The Manipur Shops and Establishments (2nd Amendment) Bill, 2015

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/the-protection-of-manipur-people-bill-2015/

Vehicles stranded at Tengnoupal due to Imp-Moreh highway bandh

IMPHAL, September 1: Several vehicles have been stranded at Tengnoupal due to bandh along the Imphal – Moreh road on National Highway-102 imposed by the Joint Tribal Student`s Organizations of

Vehicles stranded along the Imp-Moreh highway in Tengoupal

Vehicles stranded along the Imp-Moreh highway in Tengoupal

IMPHAL, September 1: Several vehicles have been stranded at Tengnoupal due to bandh along the Imphal – Moreh road on National Highway-102 imposed by the Joint Tribal Student`s Organizations of the State against the introduction and passing of the three bills in the special session of the Manipur Legislative Assembly on August 28 and 31 respectively.

More than 100 passengers and goods carrying vehicles coming from Moreh have been stranded at Tengnoupal Police Station since morning. And vehicles coming from Imphal could not proceed beyond Saivom Village as bandh supporters blocked the highway at Saivom and Tengnoupal Village.

Speaking to media persons, Daniel Mate, president of KSO Tengnoupal Block said that the bandh was enforced indefinitely in continuation of the 12 hours hill districts bandh called by the All Tribal Students ` Union Manipur, All Naga Students `™ Association Manipur ( ANSAM ) and Kuki Students `™ Organisation against the introduction and passing of the Protection of Manipur Peoples Bill 2015, the Manipur Land Revenue & Land Reforms (Seventh Amendment) Bill 2015 and the Manipur Shops & Establishments (Second Amendment) Bill 2015 by the State government in the special session of the Assembly.

Appealing to all concerned not to paint communal tint towards the agitation of the joint tribal students `™ bodies, the student`s leader pledged that the students`™ bodies will protect and uphold the rights of the tribal at any cost.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/vehicles-stranded-at-tengnoupal-due-to-impmoreh-highway-bandh/