Tag: viewpoint

Explaining the Siege: The Unending Blockades in Manipur


By Bibhu Prasad Routray 21 September 2011 : The ongoing blockades in Manipur entered 52… more »


By Bibhu Prasad Routray

21 September 2011 : The ongoing blockades in Manipur entered 52 days on 21 September. Even by the prevailing norms in the state where blockades are imposed with religious regularity by almost anybody- militant formations, civil society organisations, student outfits, tribal bodies – this time around the siege has gone wee bit too far, with no end in sight.

As people in the state struggle to meet their ends with scarce commodities, this is an attempt to explain the issue at hand and examine the options for the governments in Imphal and New Delhi to put an end the current logjam.

Issue at hand:

Upgradation of the Sadar Hills sub-division of the Senapati district to a full-fledged district.

The issue is at least two decades old. Incidentally, the Manipur State Legislative Assembly has twice passed resolutions supporting the creation of the Sadar Hills district. Creation of this new district is not an easy proposition for the area under the Sadar Hills, and largely dominated by the Kuki tribe, is seen by the Nagas as part of their traditional homeland. Both Nagas and Kukis have fought bitter internecine clashes through out the 1990s resulting in deaths of hundreds.

The biggest stumbling block before the issue, thus, has been “one posed by ethnic contestations over territory informed by archaic notions of ethnic homelands”. The issue also highlights the division between the Hill and the Valley areas of the state. Geographically, 90 per cent of the State area is hilly and contains 41 per cent of the population. The rest 59 per cent of the state’s total population, are located in the Valley, housing the state’s capital.

The Key Players:

1. Sadar Hills District Demand Committee (SHDDC): Consisting of Kuki tribals, the SHDDC since 31 July 2011 has blocked NH 39, which connects Imphal with Dimapur (in Nagaland). It also has blocked NH 53 that connects Imphal with Assam.

2. United Naga Council (UNC): In anticipation that the SHDDC agitators may have their way, this apex political organization of the Naga tribes within Manipur on 21 August imposed its own blockade along all the other highways (NH 39& NH 150) leading out of the state, thus effectively cutting off the state from the rest of the country. UNC opposes the creation of the district on the fear that the creation of the district would split the Naga population and would further put their ultimate goal of being a part of a unified Nagalim that brings together all the Naga inhabited areas of Nagaland, Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh under one administrative unit in jeopardy. The UNC further insinuates that the demand for Sadar Hills district is part of a sinister divide and rule policy by the Government of Manipur, indirectly hinting at a machination by the valley based Meitei communities who they feel are against the Nagas.

3. Manipur Government: Chief Minister Okram Ibobi Singh has promised the SHDDC that a final decision on creation of the Sadar Hills district would be made after the Committee on Reorganization of Administrative and Police Boundaries (CRAPB) submits its report in three months. The first meeting of the state chief secretary-headed Committee on Reorganization of Administrative and Police Boundaries (CRAPB) was convened on 15 September to seek people’s comments and opinion on remapping of district boundaries. Meanwhile, several civil bodies have appealed to the government not to rearrange the boundaries on the basis of religion, language or communities.

4. New Delhi: It has resisted intervening as the issue remains an internal political problem in Manipur and has remained free from ethnic violence. Any intervention would be seen as a bias in favour of or against particular tribes. Thus, it believes that this situation is better handled by the State government. In any event, Manipur police is 20,000 strong, and has 10,000 police commandos at its disposal. In any event, the convoys of trucks are being provided security by the Manipur Rifles personnel and Indian Reserve Battalions (IRB) battalions along with central forces, the BSF, CRPF and Assam Rifles, although full safety of the vehicles has not been ensured. Six trucks including two carrying medicines were burnt down by the UNC protesters at Nungkao area under district along NH 39 on 16 September.

Options before the State Government:

1. Force open the Highways: This would appear to be the easiest of solutions. However, all the Highways passing through the state obviously can’t be kept open by security force presence all round the year. The state would require at least 20 dedicated battalions of security forces for the purpose. Neither the state nor New Delhi can afford this. The other option is to concentrate only on Highway 53 that connects Manipur with Assam and is less troublesome to keep operational. However, this Highway is simply unusable in its vast stretches. The Border Roads Organisation (BRO), which is the repairing agency, has set a deadline of 2013 to complete its work.

2. Create Sadar Hills district: It will placate the Kukis, who would then lift the blockade on NH 39 and 53. However, the decision would annoy the Nagas who would continue the blockade on rest of the highways. The decision will certainly have a spillover effect in Nagaland, where the Nagas would eventually impose fresh blockades on NH 39, which passes through Nagaland. It has happened so many times in future and will recur. The Manipur state government, which now can still get its supplies through convoys of trucks under police and security force protection into the valley areas, will be completely at the mercy of the Nagaland government. New Delhi can intervene in that inter-state conflict scenario, but the danger is that the conflict may also take dangerous turn towards vicious inter-tribal violence between the Nagas and Kukis in Manipur, a worst case scenario New Delhi would try to avoid.

3. Do nothing till the storm passes over: This is a policy the Ibobi Singh government has been frequently accused of. Blockades demanding creation of the Sadar Hills district is almost an annual ritual, for past several years. On previous occasions, protesters have gone home after deliberations and assurances by the state government. Only this time, this has gone on for so long. Since there have been multiple resolutions in the Assembly favouring the creation of the district, the government can’t now reject it. But an Ostrich like policy will keep the issue alive, allowing it to return in possibly worse forms.

4. Get the Nagas and Kukis to talk to each other: On paper, it may sound fine, but is a highly improbable scenario, given the acrimony both communities bear towards each other and also, the hostility they have towards the state government.

5. Create the district, but under different names: As a respected editor friend of mine Pradip Phanjoubam suggests: “The state government could experiment with things like naming the proposed Sadar Hills district as Senapati (South) and the old Senapati as Senapati (North). The point is to send out the message to those demanding as well as opposing the formation of this new district that the new district has no other intent than administrative convenience.”

6. Do nothing till a humanitarian crisis forces the New Delhi to impose President’s rule: Presuming nothing improves, the closing act of the state government may be a transition to the President’s Rule to avoid a humanitarian crisis. As Pradip Phanjoubam opined, “This is not so much about punishing the government for allowing the situation to go out of hand leaving the state with the distinct possibility of completely descending into total chaos, but instead of finding a way out of the present dangerous problem.” This unfortunately looks to be the only way out of the present impasse

This article was sent to Kanglaonline by Bibhu Prasad Routray
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Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/09/explaining-the-siege-the-unending-blockades-in-manipur/

Call For Commission And Ommission For A Better Manipur


  by Neken Singh Seram   Communal hatred and human right violations are the dual… more »


If housed under the same roof, even the cats and dogs become intimate friends. When the peoples of hills and valley live together, share their problems, grief, prospects and gaiety; there will be emotional integration among the varied and numerous ethnic groups of Manipur. The Manipur Land Revenue & Land Reform Act, 1960 (MLR & LR Act, 1960) enacted by Parliament to consolidate and amend the law relating to land revenue in the State of Manipur and to provide certain measures of land reform has affected the peaceful co-existence, since the act is excluding the hill areas of the State. Moreover, the antagonism of the people residing at far-off hill areas towards the mainland dwellers has become more and more widened due to lack of road connectivity and physical progress. Even though huge amounts have been pumped in to improve connectivity and infrastructure at the remote hill areas of the state through schemes like Prime Minister’s Gram Sadak Yojana, real development hardly reaches the targeted locations and intended beneficiaries as a few well-to-do people ranging from high profile contractors to politicians remain reaping the fruits. Thus, people at the edge feel excluded from the mainland. At this juncture, it is highly necessary to allow the valley people to settle in hill areas to bring about emotional integration.

 

by Neken Singh Seram

 
Communal hatred and human right violations are the dual tribulations bothering the smooth sail of Manipur society today. In the name of insurgency as well as counter insurgency operations, innumerable numbers of innocent human beings have been killed, rendered disabled for life or made to disappear. Armed Forces Special Powers Act 1958 has been manifesting itself as a notorious challenge to secured existence of natives of this land. The Act which is completely in contradiction to democratic values has been in force in Manipur. Side by side, there has been a strong wedge among communities created by the non-extension of Manipur Land Revenue and land Reforms Act. in the hill areas. It is now questionable why the AFSPA is still not removed from this state, even if it is claimed by the Congress regime that law and order situation of the state has considerably been improved. It is also worthy of discussion why the valley residents of the state are not allowed to settle in the hill areas in spite of the tall verbatim for emotional, cultural and social integration between the hills and the valley. Removal of AFSPA and extension of MLR&LR Act in hills are the issues needing urgent attention so as to bring about security of life and peaceful co-existence among the varied groups of people in the long run.

 

“When a dog bites a man, that is not news. But if a man bites a dog, that is news.” This great saying by the legendary journalist John B. Bogart serves as the most convincing definition of news to journalism students. However, news reporters and publishers shall always remember their responsibilities of involving in socio-human issues concerning the people in democracies. The national newspaper The Telegraph recently published a news report regarding Sharmila’s personal love story which even led the Manipuri civil society to boycott the newspaper for irresponsibility. It is now questionable – which is more newsy between Sharmila fasting for 11 years for love of humanity and the same lady speaking out her personal moments in romance ? The Telegraph dwelled only on the awkward part of Sharmila’s decade-old movement and seemed to forget the endurance and toil during the whole process. It was also at a time when ‘Save Sharmila Campaigns’ to enliven her protest movement were being planned from across the nation. It is highly skeptical whether the media organisation was intentional towards sabotaging the Sharmila’s non-violent movement or some hidden-elements have maneuvered tactics for that end.

 

Universally, the Armed Forces Special Powers Act 1958 is inhumane and openly violates human rights. It is even more irrelevant in the context of Indian democracy, where fundamental right to life occupies the main aspect of its constitution. Certain provisions of the Act have allowed the security forces to kill innocent human beings out of suspicion. To enforce such an act in Manipur is highly irrational. It is high time the union government paid urgent attention towards the strongest ever protest by the non-violent striker Irom Chanu Sharmila and created a healthy platform for talks with the iron lady in the interest of humanity.

 

In the name of counter insurgency, innumerable numbers of youths of the state were killed after arrests, forced to disappear after pick-up by the security or to become psychologically and physically disturbed for life. We had seen widespread agitations in the state when a 15-year-old innocent student Yumlembam Sanamacha from Yairipok Angtha was forced to disappear after arrest by the security years back. In similar case, Laishram Bijoykumar Singh, a student leader also never returned home from the hands of security personnel.  We may also recall the cases of Chandam Chaoba of Pukhao Terapur, Lokendro and Loken of Khongman and Pebiya Pandit Leikai who were forced to disappear in custody. The RIMS massacre, Heirangoithong incident, Malom and Oinam incidents etc. were epoch-making happenings where security forces put to end innocent civilians. None will never forget the Thangjam Manorama murder episode in July 2004 which even led to the infamous nude protest by Manipuri women in front of the sacred Kangla and to the self-immolation of student activist Chitaranjan. There were also extrajudicial executions after arrests and tragic stories told by those escaped from security camps regarding the destructive motive of security forces.

 

Besides upholding human rights and dignity of the people, Manipur needs an enabling environment where innumerable number of varied ethnic communities may live together in peace and co-operation. The Manipur Land Revenue & Land Reform Act, 1960 (MLR & LR Act, 1960) enacted by Parliament to bring about uniformity in distribution of land throughout the State is excluding the hill areas of the State. There is a special protective provision of the Act on the transfer of land belonging to a tribal to non-tribal. Section 158 says, “No transfer of land by a person who is a member of Scheduled tribes shall be valid, unless the transfer is to another member of Schedule tribes or is by way of mortgage to a co-operative society.”

 

Moreover, the antagonism of the people residing at far-off hill areas towards the mainland dwellers has become more and more widened due to lack of road connectivity and physical progress. Even though huge amounts have been pumped in to improve connectivity and infrastructure at the remote hill areas of the state, real development hardly reaches the targeted locations and intended beneficiaries as a few well-to-do people ranging from high profile contractors to politicians remain reaping the fruits. Thus, people at the edge feel excluded from the mainland. So it is highly necessary at this juncture to allow the valley people to settle in hill areas to bring about emotional integration. If the people of the valley areas are allowed to settle in the hill areas, then there would be inter-mingling of populations among ethnic groups. Their problems and prospects would well be shared among them. Emotional integration would not be a far cry in such a situation. So why not the land revenue and land reforms act is extended to the hills ?
(The writer is a free lance Journalist)

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/09/call-for-commission-and-ommission-for-a-better-manipur/