Tag: Editorial

The high expectations from the state’s supposedly rich tourism potential while welcome must also not result in the abandoning all defences against its adverse impacts. For one, this cultivated expectation may be beyond what the real prospects are. Just a few simple questions by nature of reality check should put things in perspective. The first and foremost of these is, what is it that is so attractive about Manipur which would draw tourists to visit it? Is there enough places and events to see in the state so as to hold the interest of general tourists for more than a day or two? What is the class of tourists that the state should expect? These questions are over and above the other more down to earth assessments such as that of availability adequate infrastructure etc, such as hotel rooms etc. This latter caveat, we are less worried, for once a market develops, private capital will ensure it grows sooner than expected. One is reminded of a remark by a senior South Korean visitor to the state  some years ago that Manipur reminded him of his country 30 years ago. The optimism he wished to leave for Manipur was that 30 years down the line, given the correct policy direction and a matching public attitude, Manipur can be there where his country is today. The important thing to note also is, South Korea’s progress chart in its initial days is heavily determined by the will of its government, considering the country was under a dictatorship then. Its strategic geography, as well as political positioning befriended the rich West too, thereby earning itself the liberal but interested benevolence of the West, especially the USA in their fight to contain the spread of communism in Asia.

While there is no doubt that Manipur and the Northeast is at this moment very well placed geopolitically in the wake of the rise of China, a booming South East Asia, the new political churnings in neighbouring Myanmar, and indeed, India’s own need to expand its influence in South East Asia, and can expect the State funds to booster its growth, the important question is, what it the strategy it must adopt to sustain the momentum given by this booster on its own. The new euphoria over the anticipated growth in the tourism industry must be assessed from this light. Currently it is the government which is the flag bearer of this new campaign but ultimately the banner must pass on to the people and the market. The other thing to be cautious about is that tourism is generally seasonal and also it is determined by an ever shifting zeitgeist. If today it is the temples of India, tomorrow it can be the war relics of Vietnam. A prospering tourist town resurrected from rubbles and ruins today can no sooner be reduced a ghost town. These are consequences any place that hopes to lean on tourism as a prop for its economy must be prepared for.

But the more fundamental question remains, what exactly are the features of Manipur which would bring in tourists. A dry state with its night life destroyed hopelessly not so much by bad law and order situation as officials are so eager to put forward as alibi, but more by the acute power shortage which plunges the state, in particular the capital Imphal into darkness at sunset, is hardly a place people on holidays with their families would be interested to spend time in. There could be adventure tourism of trekkers and back packers, but there are so many more established and tested trekkers’ paradises like Nepal to compete with. Cultural tourism if not moderated by a sense of dignity and identity amongst the general public can reduce the culture of the place to market commodities. One can expect cultural troupes spawning in the hundreds to perform for visitors, and in the process reduce the standard as well as outlook to some of the most beautiful performing arts that the state can boast of. It can even resu
lt in sacrileges like Lai Haraoba staged not as a sacred religious ritual but to appease dollar tourists. This is not a matter of being a wet blanket but of cautioning everyone to be aware of the pitfalls of the enterprise now being looked up to at this moment almost as the panacea of all ills of the state.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/11/unbinding-tourism/

A question often confronted by those in search of a moral stance on issues of life and society is, what or where exactly is, or should be, this moral stance located. This undoubtedly is a slippery question considering one man’s perception of moral is not always the same as another’s, especially against the backdrop of diverse religious upbringings and outlooks different people grow up in. The difficulty hence is not just in satisfying those who pose this question, often provocatively and sometimes even tauntingly, but also to convince oneself as to what exactly should be a moral stance. Perhaps a beginning could be made by distinguishing between what is legally correct from what is moral. What is legally correct can, but does not necessarily have to, coincide with what is moral, although ideally the two should overlap totally. What is moral then must broadly be the conscience which guides the legislative process of making certain action legal or illegal. But this distinction does not still answer the question
what is moral. So what then is a moral stance? There probably cannot be a conclusive answer to this question, but we would, as a thumb rule, begin by turning to humanism (which unlike religion is a better common denominator of human values), a doctrine which believes in the promotion of human welfare. We would also refer back to a belief in life as the basis of answers to all ontological problems. Life is good, hence anything which promotes life is good and everything which negates life is bad. No rational discourse would be possible or meaningful if we do not predicate them with this fundamental axiom that life must go on, because life is good.

We are also often at a loss at the cynicism involve in those who resort to the relativist position in making the judgement as to what is a moral stance saying this will change depending on the perspective the observer takes, and that no perspective is of less moral standing than another. Such a position only betrays a pathetic irresponsibility and a moral anarchy. Very often this would lead to drawing a moral equivalence between the victim and perpetrator. The rapist who say he was provoked into the crime by his victim who dressed in Western attire (incidentally a not too unfamiliar defence) would have the same moral worth as the perspective of the victim who suffered the crime. This example should make it much easier for us to define what we mean by a moral stance. It is about exercising one’s judgement, not necessarily informed by religious teachings, to decide what is humane and what is not. In fact, we are of the opinion any religious teaching which does not believe in this humanism, is prone to be reduced to dogmatism. This humanistic position should also make it clearer as to who is victim and who is perpetrator in any given situation.

The broad guidelines of a moral stance hence would hinge around defining what is cruel and insensitive to sufferings of other humans. To try and elucidate further with a little rhetoric, should there at all be any justified dilemma in deciding what is the moral stance when confronted with torture victims, regardless who were the perpetrators? Should any inability to condemn genocide or slave trade be considered morally tenable? Thankfully, we have today guidelines of moral standards available in the shape of many international laws and norms, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by the United Nations. There are also the Geneva Conventions seeking to limit the savagery of wars and also to ensure a minimum standard of humanity in the treatment of prisoners of war. Let us then reassess the issues confronting us under this new scanner of humanism and decide what the stance we should adopt as moral. While the relativist position is good in the assessment process, let it not be the criterion under which we make the decision as to what is moral. It is only expected of a good judge (which every moral being is called upon to be), to have the patience to listen with understanding to everybody, and see what everybody sees from their respective positions. But all these perspectives must be weighed against a moral scale of humanism and not just legalities before a final verdict is made. To take another example as a concluding illustration of this fine distinction between the moral and legal, under laws such as the AFSPA, a soldier can kill or torture (use force to the extent of causing death) and commit no legal offence. But should this legal position also guarantee a moral legitimacy as well?

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/11/a-return-to-humanism/

Leader Writer: Leivon Jimmy
It really is an inspiring development for the people of the state especially for the government of Manipur that the Manipur Sangai Festival is gaining a good momentum each passing year.

Thanks to the relentless effort of the tourism department of Manipur, this year two more country, Kenya and Myanmar, has approached to explore the feasibilities. Manipur has finally has able to erect a milestone in the African continent with the participation of delegation from Kenya.

The participation of Myanmar after Thailand however is an encouraging sign of the growing confident in Manipur from the eastern side of the globe. Leaving aside the Sangai festival for a while, the Korean has always been showing keen interest in setting up connection with Manipur in term of exploiting the human resource in the state which indeed is the need of the hour with the unemployment rate nearing the 7 lakhs mark.

The message is loud and clear on the potential of Manipur and its tourism besides the willingness of other country to come to Manipur.

The commitment of the government has also been well proved with the lifting of the Protected Area Permit (PAP) from the state as a trial basis. This has also played a significant role in the adverse impact on the aspect of tourism within a short period of time.

Even as the public are temporary lost in the dazzling grandeur of the Manipur Sangai festival but at the end of the day each and everyone have to face the grim reality persisting in the state, the spoil sport played by self proclaimed groups in pursuit of their vested goals.

The sad part is that this glory of ours would be jeopardized due to our inability to resolved differences and handle situation wisely. We instead of putting our heads together to help improve the situation to ensure prosperity are busy imposing bandhs, blockade, demonstration etc.  

This is no co-incidence that ours celebrative moment is achieved at a wrong time when issues are swirling. Our immaturity to interpret the differences among us has overcome us and put in this situation when this is uncalled for. Giving a bad impression during an opportune moment will lead to nowhere.

Both the Central and state Government has greater role in removing the stain from the soul of the people. It is high time to give a careful thought to sort out things if it thinks that Manipur really deserve a chance rather than short-lived plans on the agenda of gaining political mileage. Further delay means making things more complex and challenging than what is today.

The conclusion here is that even if there are good opportunities meant for the people not only the platform created by the Sangai festival, chances is high that the opportunities could slip away from hand in the absence of stability.  

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/11/stability-and-opportunity/

Although it is unclear what the supposed Supra State proposal as a settlement for the Naga issue is, at least it is clear there is some intent on the part of all parties involved in the Government of India and NSCN(IM) peace talks to bring the issue to a closure. What however is important is, mere intent is seldom enough to answer certain complex questions, and insurgency anywhere is complex. As Bertrand Russell so eloquently pointed out in his essay with a self explanatory title, “The harm good men do”, intentions however good, if not moderated by sound rationale, can even do harm to the issue at stake and beyond. So what exactly is a Supra State, if at all this proposal is a fact? Our scepticism comes on account of the recent denial by the Union home minister, P. Chidambaram, that he is not aware of such a proposal. Even if this statement amounts to his playing the cards close to his chest, it does still indicate he too thinks the proposal is problematic and would not have a smooth sail.

The press reports says this is the written recommendation of the Government of India appointed interlocutor of the negotiation, retired bureaucrat, R.S. Pandey, but even if this is a fact, the moot question remains as to what is meant by “Supra State”. One has heard of this term used in reference to such bodies as the European Union and ASEAN, which are essentially conglomerates of several States yoked together under a broad bureaucracy and constitution. We are hence curious how this term was sought to be interpreted in this reported proposal for a resolution to the Naga problem.

In all probability, what was thought of was a non territorial solution of the nature so many intellectuals, including B.K. Roy Burman, have been writing about for all these years in reference to many of the ethnic problems in the Northeast, in particular those of the Nagas. The model conjured up is often the Sami Parliament in the Scandinavian countries. Samis are the indigenous formerly nomadic reindeer herders living in these Scandinavian countries and the Russian Federation before the region came to be dissected by political boundaries. They now find themselves living in different countries, though their traditional world never had any conception of such national boundaries, precisely because nation consciousness had still not dawned on them. So then, is this what was meant by the “Supra State” proposal with a little extra sugar coating so as to make the package more attractive?

Although the press report created some flutters in Manipur and to a lesser degree in the other Northeastern states over which the shadow of a Greater Nagaland looms, it would not be too wrong to read meaning in the deafening silence of the NSCN(IM) leadership and their supporters everywhere. Perhaps the proposal, if at all, was a unilateral one put up by the negotiation interlocutor and not one on which there was a consensus amongst the negotiating parties. For indeed, if the proposal is modelled on the Sami Parliament, it is everybody’s knowledge that the NSCN(IM) general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah had in the past rejected it and it is unlikely he would have had a change of heart on the matter. Even if he wanted to, two considerations would have been the deterrent. One, a non territorial solution would leave a sizeable section of the NSCN(IM) leadership and cadres out of the core of the solution. Two, any solution that does not address the question of sovereignty, even if notionally, would be after intense negotiations with the Naga public first, especially in the core Naga territory of the former Naga hills of Assam, who have had to undergo tremendous hardships and losses for over half a century precisely because of their dream for sovereignty. Any decision that left this out cannot be a non-consensual decision of any Naga leader or leaders, regardless of how important or powerful they may be. Especially when such a decision comes from a non core Naga area, the decision’s legitimacy in the eyes of the Nagas would be even more dilute. While we hope a solution to the Naga problem comes about, as of now, we cannot see such blueprints of it such as the supposed “Supra State” as the answer.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/11/ambiguous-jargon/

Although it is unclear what the supposed Supra State proposal as a settlement for the Naga issue is, at least it is clear there is some intent on the part of all parties involved in the Government of India and NSCN(IM) peace talks to bring the issue to a closure. What however is important is, mere intent is seldom enough to answer certain complex questions, and insurgency anywhere is complex. As Bertrand Russell so eloquently pointed out in his essay with a self explanatory title, “The harm good men do”, intentions however good, if not moderated by sound rationale, can even do harm to the issue at stake and beyond. So what exactly is a Supra State, if at all this proposal is a fact? Our scepticism comes on account of the recent denial by the Union home minister, P. Chidambaram, that he is not aware of such a proposal. Even if this statement amounts to his playing the cards close to his chest, it does still indicate he too thinks the proposal is problematic and would not have a smooth sail.

The press reports says this is the written recommendation of the Government of India appointed interlocutor of the negotiation, retired bureaucrat, R.S. Pandey, but even if this is a fact, the moot question remains as to what is meant by “Supra State”. One has heard of this term used in reference to such bodies as the European Union and ASEAN, which are essentially conglomerates of several States yoked together under a broad bureaucracy and constitution. We are hence curious how this term was sought to be interpreted in this reported proposal for a resolution to the Naga problem.

In all probability, what was thought of was a non territorial solution of the nature so many intellectuals, including B.K. Roy Burman, have been writing about for all these years in reference to many of the ethnic problems in the Northeast, in particular those of the Nagas. The model conjured up is often the Sami Parliament in the Scandinavian countries. Samis are the indigenous formerly nomadic reindeer herders living in these Scandinavian countries and the Russian Federation before the region came to be dissected by political boundaries. They now find themselves living in different countries, though their traditional world never had any conception of such national boundaries, precisely because nation consciousness had still not dawned on them. So then, is this what was meant by the “Supra State” proposal with a little extra sugar coating so as to make the package more attractive?

Although the press report created some flutters in Manipur and to a lesser degree in the other Northeastern states over which the shadow of a Greater Nagaland looms, it would not be too wrong to read meaning in the deafening silence of the NSCN(IM) leadership and their supporters everywhere. Perhaps the proposal, if at all, was a unilateral one put up by the negotiation interlocutor and not one on which there was a consensus amongst the negotiating parties. For indeed, if the proposal is modelled on the Sami Parliament, it is everybody’s knowledge that the NSCN(IM) general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah had in the past rejected it and it is unlikely he would have had a change of heart on the matter. Even if he wanted to, two considerations would have been the deterrent. One, a non territorial solution would leave a sizeable section of the NSCN(IM) leadership and cadres out of the core of the solution. Two, any solution that does not address the question of sovereignty, even if notionally, would be after intense negotiations with the Naga public first, especially in the core Naga territory of the former Naga hills of Assam, who have had to undergo tremendous hardships and losses for over half a century precisely because of their dream for sovereignty. Any decision that left this out cannot be a non-consensual decision of any Naga leader or leaders, regardless of how important or powerful they may be. Especially when such a decision comes from a non core Naga area, the decision’s legitimacy in the eyes of the Nagas would be even more dilute. While we hope a solution to the Naga problem comes about, as of now, we cannot see such blueprints of it such as the supposed “Supra State” as the answer.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/11/ambiguous-jargon/

The decision of the Uttar Pradesh cabinet, to split up the largest state in the country voluntarily into four smaller states in order that its administration would be more efficient seems unreal viewed from the Northeast region. Here, as we are all witnessing, it is not administration or administrative convenience, but primordial notions of territory and ethnicity which rule. Not to talk about states agreeing to alteration of their political boundaries, here even the proposal for creation of new districts is seen as an affront on the rights of different sections of the people. Come to think of it, the division of interest is not even between different ethnic groups, but also within the same groups as well. The manner in which the proposal for Phungyar subdivision of the Ukhrul district to be made a full-fledged district was vehemently objected to, is just one example. There are other demands for new districts, including that of Tengnoupal in the Chandel district and Tongjei Maril in the Tamenglong district to name just two. Needless to repeat that these demands too would meet stiff oppositions should they begin to appear likely to be conceded by the government.

The problem, as we see it, is one of a lack of a shared sense of identity in ethnically riven societies such as those in the Northeast. On the larger canvas, the notion of Indian citizenship has not been able to sublimate or moderate the notion of ethnic identity and affiliation. This is as much a failure of the ethnic groups to grow out of their shells as it is that of the projection of the Indian identity into which these smaller identities cannot fit. While the primordial notion of identity cannot or should not be abandoned altogether, the identity attached to citizenship, which is much more about conscious and democratic choice, should be given its rightful place. This is exactly what is not happening in the ethnic situation in the Northeast. The multiple identities that Amartya Sen said is what constitutes the composite identity of a modern democratic man, is what is lacking to a great extent in these situations. Although as in Sen’s theory, each individual is a father, a son, a mother, a daughter, belonging to a profession, a meat eater or a vegetarian, each attribute giving him or her a different identity, what always subsumes and even obliterates all these identities when it comes to the crux, is the notion of ethnic identity. Regardless of all the other identities, the “otherness” of somebody always is “manufactured” from the fact that he or she does not have the same ethnic affiliation.

If this were not so, and if everybody were to agree to a larger citizenship as a primary factor in presuming identity, the problem of ethnic friction would have been much reduced. Reorganising state boundaries, not to talk of reorganising district boundaries, would not have been much of an issue too. It is time to change this attitude to some degree at least. Otherwise, the region will continue to be stuck hopelessly in the dreadful state of immobility as it is now with different ethnic groups pulling in different and sometimes directly opposition directions. The Sadar Hills district issue is just the latest and loudest example of this. A blockade that began with predominantly Kuki agitators demanding a new district is now continuing because the Nagas are objecting to any concession to the demand. It is in this sense an agitation which cannot end and therefore can take nobody anywhere. What is most needed at this juncture is a return to senses by all concerned. Coming back to the larger canvas, if India were able to instil the confidence that big or small, the wellbeing and the freedom of expression of creative genius of all communities would be guaranteed, there ought not to be any serious objections to reorganisation of state boundaries purely on administrative considerations. As for instance, if the Imphal valley and the hills were to be separated, the valley’s administrative and security needs would entail its control over its highways. If this can be guaranteed, we see no reason why there should be objections. As it is, the hills and valley are under two different land revenue systems, therefore already separate in many ways. Officials demarcating the two regions as different states should make little difference. On the contrary, it should benefit both.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/11/the-divide-within/

It is heartening that the chief minister Okram Ibobi has taken cognizance of the daily VVIP trespassers inside the Kangla complex. It is equally heartening that he probably took notice of this ugly miscarriage of official power after the matter was commented upon in the local newspapers, including the IFP several times. It is a surprise that so many of these VVIP’s did not realise or were brutishly ignoring the fact that they were violating a sacrosanct space all the while before being told by none other than the head of the government himself to know their limits. As per the chief minister’s public statement, the no other than the Governor of Manipur would be allowed to drive through the Kangla, using this patch of green with immense historical significance as a short cut to avoid busy traffic. This was being done even when these VVIP’s were not on duty or in a hurry. It had become a matter of flaunting their power and official status. Indeed, many of these VVIP trespassers had proven themselves to be eyesores, zipping at breakneck speed with sirens blaring across the Kangla, usually from its south to north gates and vice versa, but sometimes also the western gate.

What the chief minister has done is commendable. Not the least for deflating the disproportionately blown up VVIP egos. He has gone strictly by protocol to make the single exception of allowing only the Governor’s vehicle to pass through the Kangla if the need so arises. Apparently he has chosen not to even make the privilege available to himself. Practising what one preaches is definitely enchanting and the chief minister this time has done just this. The Governor is the constitutional head and as per official protocol is at the apex of the hierarchy of the state’s officialdom. We hope his statement gets transferred into official policy sooner than later and that prohibition of vehicles within the Kangla becomes as much an unwritten tradition as it is an official policy and nobody, absolutely nobody ever thinks of seeking exception other than for important public purposes. This is relevant because the Kangla obviously would be a tourist attraction as and when the tourist traffic increases, and now that the restrictions under the Protected Area Permit, PAP, has been relaxed, this is likely to be the reality in the coming years, or months as the case may quite possibly turn out to be.

We are at a loss why enlightened citizens as our VVIPs presumably are could not understand the value of heritage without being told. If they did, they would have treated the Kangla with more respect than they have shown. They probably also see the Kangla’s worth as much as its value as real estate. Indeed, many will remember there was once a move to divide up the Kangla into shop plots and at another time to build the state’s capitol here, and the Kangla moat outside the complex had begun to be filled. If that official plan had not been resisted by the more conscientious amongst the officialdom and by the general public, Manipur may have lost for good one of its most important, if not the most important historical heritage.

The mid 20th Century when the Second World War reached the soil of Manipur exposing the erstwhile kingdom to a scale of violence it had never seen before can be said to be the time Manipur was first introduced to the modern world in a real way. It was a traumatic start and it was sudden too. This being the case the disorientation that resulted is understandable. Even if many of the misinterpretations and misconceptions of modernity can be to a good extent attributed to this suddenness of epochal transition, it has been more than half a century since, and lessons ought to have been learnt by now. One of the biggest of these lessons is that beyond the material world which can be calibrated in material worth, there are also intangible heritages which are priceless. Once upon a time, unwritten rules, norms, taboos and even “motivated” and deliberately “cultivated” superstitions spelled out respect for these intangible gifts from the past eras. Today while these unwritten rules have lost their value, acquired modern laws and rationality have not been able to rewrite the need for protecting these heritages. The sooner the place comes to terms with this new challenge, the less irreversible harms would be done to our priceless heritages.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/11/protecting-the-kangla/

The inevitable is beginning to happen. Myanmar/Burma is opening up. N reciprocation, the Western world is also beginning to warm up towards it. In a significant development, President of the United States, Barak Obama, has asked his secretary of state Hillary Clinton to make a visit to the country in December and this comes close on the heels of Burma being awarded to host the 2014 ASEAN football championship. The excitement is palpable even across the border. A visit to Moreh and Tamu will bear testimony to this new sense of optimism that a momentous wind of change is approaching. It is evident in the new springs in the steps of even ordinary folks in these backwater neighbouring townships. The new buzz in town is expectedly and dominantly about the new political upheaval that is beginning to enter Myanmar/Burma in a slow but sure way.

This sense of optimism is also there in the new shine the faces of the industrious women vendors from across the border with cheeks covered with chandan paste, selling aromatic brown rice sweetened a little and garnished with shredded coconut flesh, as much as it is there in the faces of those who come to her to sample this Burmese delicacy. The Burmese customs officials at Moreh Gate No. 2, leading to Namphalong Market and beyond to Tamu, have also shed the familiar look of suspicion at everybody who seeks to cross border under the day-permit arrangement agreed between Myanmar and India. Now they are in fact helpful and instead of the unceremonious “no” to permission to take cameras or mobile phones along to their side of the border, they have learned to advice visitors on how to get permission and from where etc. Despite the nearly four-month long blockade in Manipur, Moreh and Namphalong markets remain buoyant. Tamu a little beyond is a lot more laid back, but here too the sense of a once closed space beginning to open up is pronounced. A Tamu veteran football team agreed to play a friendly match with an Imphal veteran football club recently, a gesture unthinkable only a few months ago, for getting such a proposal through would have meant months of negotiating a perpetually suspicious military bureaucracy. Not anymore. It is almost as if a shackle has broken and vanished overnight.

Tamu was once upon a time a sleepy town. It waited for shoppers from Manipur in the mornings and then by early afternoon when the shoppers have returned, shut down. It is still this way to some extent but the new sense is, it is much more prepared to absorb the changes that rapid modernisation can bring about. It is a planned township, with straight streets turning and intersecting at right angle. It has plenty of space, and conspicuous is also the apparent lack of greed for land. Building do not spring up from the street borders but after leaving adequate space for drainages, pedestrian pavements etc. Most of the shops and residences have small but well manicured courtyards in front of them, indicating their owners consider the lifestyle they have been used to as very important, unlike on the Indian side where spaces not converted to shops and other constructions are considered a waste. Perhaps this the difference the Buddhist outlook has made. In the next decade or so, it is quite imaginable even this township would be transformed into one of those neat, orderly and prosperous South East Asian cities, leaving Moreh and perhaps even Imphal far behind in terms of quality of life availed to residents. Already, residents of Moreh visit Tamu in the evening hours to have a sense of the relaxed atmosphere that contrast in a profound way with the tension in their own hometown. The moot point is, should not Manipur also prepare. This preparation is not just about infrastructures but also about the general mindset of the government as well as the public. Indeed, this mindset would even begin to reflect in the way infrastructures are built and maintained. A comparison between Namphalong and Moreh bazaars which literally rub shoulders would give an idea of what we mean by this mindset. Namphalong is not just bigger, but much neater and disciplined. Moreh is beginning to wallow in filth as most bazaars in India do.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/11/myanmar-opening-up/

Leader Writer: Sukham Nanda
State government taking the opportunity of being a democratic state had chosen the right steps by offering dialogues with different insurgent groups operating in the state with an objective to end three decades turmoil law and order situation caused by the insurgency in the state.

It was under the provision of the democracy any under world organisation or reactionary groups in a democratic country or state have allowed to claim their rightful demands and the same have been applied in the small state of Manipur by various insurgent groups who are still claiming as real patriots of the state.

It is well known that, over the last three decades the state Manipur had been facing serious turmoil in terms of law and order maintenance by the ruling governments due to over acting by the mushrooming growth of different insurgents organizations from different communities inhabited in the state.

On the other hand state government had chosen the idea of suspension of operation (SoO) as a sharp weapon at the need of hour to reduces the violent activities of the militants to some extend so that the deteriorating law and order situations caused by the uncontrolled activities of militancy in the state shall be reduced to some extend.

No doubt, state government had taken good initiative in order to have the tripartite Suspension of Operation (SoO) agreement between the Ministry of Home Affairs’ Government of India, state government and UG groups belonging to Kuki under the umbrella organization of Kuki National Organisation KNO and United People’s Front during 2010.

More over another milestone seems to be achieved by the state government with the signing of similar tripartite agreement with the one of valley based insurgent groups Kangleipak Communists Party, Military Council KCP(MC)- Lallumba group which was signed on August 6, 2010, which was the first valley based UG groups to have entered into such agreement.

In fact the sincerity on the part of the governments have shown by holding regular SoO meetings attended by concerned officials of army, paramilitary forces which have been dealing the counter insurgency operations in the state with the leaders of the militants who have entered the SoO apart from delivering of rehabilitation package for the cadres and assured monthly stipends as laid down in the ground rules of the agreements.

Most unfortunately, the report of creating violence activities which amounted to the peace and tranquility of areas in different parts of the state involving armed cadres who were under the SoO some times causes mistrust in the sensitivities of the inner ideology of SoO.

It was very unfortunate to heard that, the cadres belonging to the cadres of KCP Lallumba were oftenly arrested by the security forces during the courses of counter insurgency operations in the state for violating the ground rules of the SoO.

The very matter indicate the lack of sensivity on the part of the government which fails to give strong instructions to maintain the ground rules of the already signed SoO agreement. Lapses and failures to maintain the agreed upon ground rules of the SoO agreement on both sides will possibly turn to a negative impacts in the society which common people of the state are still feel apprehensions for.

The policy of the state on the issue of the already entered SoO with the different militant groups operating in the state need to bring an amicable solution at the nearest so that the positive impact of the SoO in terms of restoring peace and harmony is waiting by the peace loving citizen of the state.

If the governments shows there successful solutions once made through these SoO by holding dialogue with the insurgency groups in the state, it may led to bring a route for the other insurgent groups to take their path to the same as many of the insurgent groups operating in the state are now seems to be tending towards their peaceful solution with the government.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/11/rightful-end-solution-dialogue-under-soo-is-need-of-the-hour-in-the-state/

The time has again come for Manipur to do some serious introspection. If the different communities must remain together within a single map, it must have to be as willing partners. At this moment, it is not sure if this is the case at all. Manipur is so terribly and depressingly divided on multiple fronts. The much talked about hill-valley divide may be the most visible, but the division within goes much deeper, as anybody in the state and serious observers from anywhere would be aware of. The issue of the Sadar Hills and indeed similar demands for the formation of new districts have demonstrated this beyond any doubt. Sometimes, the centrifugal forces pulling away from Manipur are so brazen that it is difficult to imagine how many communities living within the boundaries of the state actually share an interest in the territorial and emotional integrity of their home state. Indeed, it is even difficult to claim with any certainty how many who live in Manipur would actually with comfort like to call Manipur their home, that is besides the majority community, the Meiteis, who for various reasons, many of which beyond easy control of anybody, have also come to be referred to by many as Manipuri, as if the term Manipuri denotes an ethnic identity and not a citizenship status. This is unfortunate, for in an ideal situation, every citizen of Manipur should be a Manipuri. It would also be in the interest of the state to undo the reverse trend.

But at this moment, a way must be found to determine how many would like to remain emotionally affiliated to Manipur. This is particularly relevant in the face of reports that an agreement on a supra state arrangement between the NSCN(IM) and the Government of India is imminent. Although from preliminary reports, the proposed agreement does seem to be another way of sugar-coating the status quo, the fact remains that there would be a shadow of a Greater Nagaland in the agreement. Posters in Naga dominated districts that greet any visiting Central government official and journalist from outside the state also pronounce it quite clear that Nagas, or at least many Nagas, do not want to be associated with Manipur anymore and are drunk on the idea of an integrated Greater Nagaland. There would be Nagas who think otherwise, but as in all cases of hawks and doves made to articulate their aspirations from a single platform, only the hawks normally are heard. This would is especially so when dissent is extremely liable to be met with extreme violence. We all know this is also very much the reality. The ambush on the late MLA Wungnaoshang Keishing from the Phungyar Assembly Constituency, and sport minister, D.D. Thaisii, are evidence enough. All the same, we are of the opinion that forced unions are meaningless, only a willing partnership can be fruitful.

Again, even if the supra state arrangement comes to be adopted, we are at a loss as to what territory would be considered as belonging to not just the Nagas, but any single community as such. We are witnessing the tussle over Sadar Hills currently indicating the trouble potential there is in any effort to demarcate territory on ethnic lines anymore. It should also be evident to one and all that all claims to territory overlap considerably between various ethnic groups. Under the circumstance, it would be expectedly difficult to arbitrate on whose claim should be given more weight. Vast tracks of long uninhabited and uncultivated lands that the Nagas claim as their ancestral land could also now be the current homes of the Kukis and Nepalis. They could also be the ancient trade routes that linked the erstwhile kingdom of Manipur to South East Asia to the east and the plains of Assam and Bengal to the west. This difficulty in reconciling notions of overlapping ethnic homelands and living spaces has been the cause of many dangerous passions and conflicts in the past. However, if an amicable demarcation is possible, perhaps a friendly parting of ways is the best way forward. Let each ethnic community be allowed to be true to their instincts and aspirations, and this include the majority community. If a partnership is not possible, let each be left alone to be themselves freely and with no burdens of trying to live up to another’s expectation.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/11/another-crossroads/

Has the Central government lost its plot in the Northeast? At this moment there seems to be an utter lack of focus on its dealing with the Northeast. It has special full-fledged ministries and departments meant to look after the Northeast Region. These include the Department of Northeast Affairs, DoNER and the North Eastern Council, NEC, which are nodal bodies to monitor development activities in the region. There are also the other regular departments shouldering normal activities of governance in the region. Yet, there seems to be such an abysmal lack of coordination or a composite blueprint to which each can contribute to, so that each of these wings of administration not only can coordinate with each other, but more importantly, not end up working at cross purposes. A familiar anecdote sketches this picture succinctly. It tells of the sanction of a road construction project by the Indian government in neighbouring Myanmar prompted by the deep inroads rival China has made in the regard.

The story goes that after much navigation and negotiations in the web of bureaucratic red tapes in New Delhi, a road project in Myanmar was approved, however midway into the execution of the project, it was discovered a number of bridges along the road had become weak and those on the ground demanded the issue be addressed so that fresh funds can be made available for the repair of the bridges. Bureaucratic red tapes ensured any discussion on the new problem was shelved on the refrain that the project was for road construction and not bridges building. Technically this is not wrong, but it tells of a pathetic disconnect between political will and bureaucratic obsession with protocol-dictated processes. In the end, the job is left doomed though on course. This scenario of chaos democracy often throws up also serves as a parallel to imagined accounts of how authoritarian regimes, in particular China, would execute such projects. Here the political and bureaucratic will are identical and hence there would have been no question of a conflict of interpretation of the political visions and bureaucratic execution of them.

This “democratic chaos” marks much of the Central government’s policies in the Northeast, be it in matters of the various peace negotiations with underground militants or in matters of deciding appropriate interventions, or at least offers of it, to bail state governments out of various crises. Of the latter, Manipur is the prime example. Nearly four months of the state coming under a siege because of blockades on the two national highways that connect it to the rest of the country, and despite the knowledge that the upkeep of national highways is as much its responsibility as it is of the state government, it has been simply content watching what has essentially turned into a humanitarian crisis and waiting for the storm to blow over on its own. At other times, it would take unilateral decisions on what ought to be also a state government prerogative, the loudest example of which was witnessed in May 2010 when without consulting the state government the Union home ministry decided to permit NSCN(IM) leader, Th. Muivah to enter the state, causing social tensions as well as distress for the state government.

If not for this general adhocism in the Centre’s dealing with the Northeast states, much of the turmoil could have been avoided. Come to think of it, this adhocism is not a recent phenomenon. It has been around since the birth of the modern Indian State. The manner in which the Merger of Manipur was pushed in 1949 as well as subsequent major landmark concessions made to Manipur, such as the grant of Union territory, statehood, language recognition under the 8th Schedule etc, are evidence of this same lack of a tangible vision or sustained political outlook when it come to the Northeast. Should it not be time some coordinated composite policy is evolved? The DoNER, NEC and other nodal agencies handling Northeast affairs can then productively and cohesively work in harmony with each other for the common good of the Northeast and thereby the nation.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/11/centres-adhocism/

Has the Central government lost its plot in the Northeast? At this moment there seems to be an utter lack of focus on its dealing with the Northeast. It has special full-fledged ministries and departments meant to look after the Northeast Region. These include the Department of Northeast Affairs, DoNER and the North Eastern Council, NEC, which are nodal bodies to monitor development activities in the region. There are also the other regular departments shouldering normal activities of governance in the region. Yet, there seems to be such an abysmal lack of coordination or a composite blueprint to which each can contribute to, so that each of these wings of administration not only can coordinate with each other, but more importantly, not end up working at cross purposes. A familiar anecdote sketches this picture succinctly. It tells of the sanction of a road construction project by the Indian government in neighbouring Myanmar prompted by the deep inroads rival China has made in the regard.

The story goes that after much navigation and negotiations in the web of bureaucratic red tapes in New Delhi, a road project in Myanmar was approved, however midway into the execution of the project, it was discovered a number of bridges along the road had become weak and those on the ground demanded the issue be addressed so that fresh funds can be made available for the repair of the bridges. Bureaucratic red tapes ensured any discussion on the new problem was shelved on the refrain that the project was for road construction and not bridges building. Technically this is not wrong, but it tells of a pathetic disconnect between political will and bureaucratic obsession with protocol-dictated processes. In the end, the job is left doomed though on course. This scenario of chaos democracy often throws up also serves as a parallel to imagined accounts of how authoritarian regimes, in particular China, would execute such projects. Here the political and bureaucratic will are identical and hence there would have been no question of a conflict of interpretation of the political visions and bureaucratic execution of them.

This “democratic chaos” marks much of the Central government’s policies in the Northeast, be it in matters of the various peace negotiations with underground militants or in matters of deciding appropriate interventions, or at least offers of it, to bail state governments out of various crises. Of the latter, Manipur is the prime example. Nearly four months of the state coming under a siege because of blockades on the two national highways that connect it to the rest of the country, and despite the knowledge that the upkeep of national highways is as much its responsibility as it is of the state government, it has been simply content watching what has essentially turned into a humanitarian crisis and waiting for the storm to blow over on its own. At other times, it would take unilateral decisions on what ought to be also a state government prerogative, the loudest example of which was witnessed in May 2010 when without consulting the state government the Union home ministry decided to permit NSCN(IM) leader, Th. Muivah to enter the state, causing social tensions as well as distress for the state government.

If not for this general adhocism in the Centre’s dealing with the Northeast states, much of the turmoil could have been avoided. Come to think of it, this adhocism is not a recent phenomenon. It has been around since the birth of the modern Indian State. The manner in which the Merger of Manipur was pushed in 1949 as well as subsequent major landmark concessions made to Manipur, such as the grant of Union territory, statehood, language recognition under the 8th Schedule etc, are evidence of this same lack of a tangible vision or sustained political outlook when it come to the Northeast. Should it not be time some coordinated composite policy is evolved? The DoNER, NEC and other nodal agencies handling Northeast affairs can then productively and cohesively work in harmony with each other for the common good of the Northeast and thereby the nation.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/11/centres-adhocism/

If there is a negotiation, something will have to be negotiated ultimately. But sometimes, the negotiating process itself becomes a strategy and thereby often a war by another means. We have the Naga peace talks in mind when we speculate this. Nearly a decade and a half after the process began in 1997 there is still no tangible result. Although the participants claim the talks are making good headway, so far the claims have proven to have little substance. A few days ago however, a newly launched Guwahati based English daily claimed that a solution was close at hand and under the proposal Nagaland would be given what was described as a “supra-state” status. Although the term is rather ambiguous and the picture sketched is still not too distinct, this seems like a state within a state and the tag “supra-state” is its euphemism. The blueprint concedes little extra to what the state of Nagaland already has. It seems more like a change of nomenclatures for already existing institutions. The Nagaland Armed Police,
NAP, thereby could become the Naga Army, the Nagaland Assembly likewise could be renamed as Tatar Hoho (Naga Parliament) etc. For the fine prints of what is purported to be the blueprint very much makes it certain that although grander names are accorded, in terms of powers they would be allowed to exercise, these institutions very much would be as they are under the present dispensation. As for instance, the functions and powers of the Naga Army, if the report is to be believed, would be restricted to internal defence and security only. The Indian police system very much handles this problem already. The only exceptions in this regard would perhaps be in terms of conceding to certain token symbolisms for Nagaland, such as a separate flag.

Under the circumstance, the only problem area in executing such a proposal, if at all it comes to be agreed upon, would be the territory question. This too is nothing new. The core of the leadership of the Naga underground group NSCN(IM), which is in negotiation with the Government of India, are from Manipur, and it is impossible to imagine a situation in which they would agree to settle the issue on concessions made to the state of Nagaland alone. They would most certainly be pushing to have the agreement predicated on the formation of a Greater Nagaland, or Nagalim as they have called this unified territory of what supposed constitutes the ancestral Naga homeland. The nature of the stumbling blocks before this project needs not be further elaborated, at least not in the Northeast, and in particular Manipur. Even the creation of a new district by demarcating and upgrading the Kuki dominated region of Sadar Hills, as we are witnessing today, has been the cause of so much distress in Manipur, threatening to return the state to the nightmares of the 1990s when a bloody ethnic feuds broke out between the Nagas and Kukis precisely on the issue of territory. Similarly, in 2001, Imphal valley literally went up in flames even at the hint that the Government of India was recognizing this Naga homeland, and thereby threatening the territorial integrity of Manipur. In Arunachal Pradesh and Assam, which too would have to compromise their territories if and when a greater Nagaland is recognised, sentiments are unlikely to remain calm.

Under the circumstance, much as we would also like to see a solution to the Naga peace talks, we cannot help being pessimistic that a solution can be close at hand. This is unless major shifts in stances by the negotiating parties become a reality. Such a shift, at least at the moment seems too much to expect. India will never agree to dismember itself to accommodate the Naga demand for sovereignty, perhaps not even as a vassal state like Bhutan. Without this concession, it is also unlikely the Naga leaders would be willing to put their signatures on any agreement. In other words, unless an agreement is reached for a non-territorial solution which lays more emphasis on cultural and ethnic identity preservation, such as the much cited Sami Parliament for the Sami people in Scandinavia, or the Gurudwara as the identity binding sinew for the Sikhs, we cannot foresee any headway in the present Naga peace process just as yet.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/11/negotiating-peace/

If there is a negotiation, something will have to be negotiated ultimately. But sometimes, the negotiating process itself becomes a strategy and thereby often a war by another means. We have the Naga peace talks in mind when we speculate this. Nearly a decade and a half after the process began in 1997 there is still no tangible result. Although the participants claim the talks are making good headway, so far the claims have proven to have little substance. A few days ago however, a newly launched Guwahati based English daily claimed that a solution was close at hand and under the proposal Nagaland would be given what was described as a “supra-state” status. Although the term is rather ambiguous and the picture sketched is still not too distinct, this seems like a state within a state and the tag “supra-state” is its euphemism. The blueprint concedes little extra to what the state of Nagaland already has. It seems more like a change of nomenclatures for already existing institutions. The Nagaland Armed Police,
NAP, thereby could become the Naga Army, the Nagaland Assembly likewise could be renamed as Tatar Hoho (Naga Parliament) etc. For the fine prints of what is purported to be the blueprint very much makes it certain that although grander names are accorded, in terms of powers they would be allowed to exercise, these institutions very much would be as they are under the present dispensation. As for instance, the functions and powers of the Naga Army, if the report is to be believed, would be restricted to internal defence and security only. The Indian police system very much handles this problem already. The only exceptions in this regard would perhaps be in terms of conceding to certain token symbolisms for Nagaland, such as a separate flag.

Under the circumstance, the only problem area in executing such a proposal, if at all it comes to be agreed upon, would be the territory question. This too is nothing new. The core of the leadership of the Naga underground group NSCN(IM), which is in negotiation with the Government of India, are from Manipur, and it is impossible to imagine a situation in which they would agree to settle the issue on concessions made to the state of Nagaland alone. They would most certainly be pushing to have the agreement predicated on the formation of a Greater Nagaland, or Nagalim as they have called this unified territory of what supposed constitutes the ancestral Naga homeland. The nature of the stumbling blocks before this project needs not be further elaborated, at least not in the Northeast, and in particular Manipur. Even the creation of a new district by demarcating and upgrading the Kuki dominated region of Sadar Hills, as we are witnessing today, has been the cause of so much distress in Manipur, threatening to return the state to the nightmares of the 1990s when a bloody ethnic feuds broke out between the Nagas and Kukis precisely on the issue of territory. Similarly, in 2001, Imphal valley literally went up in flames even at the hint that the Government of India was recognizing this Naga homeland, and thereby threatening the territorial integrity of Manipur. In Arunachal Pradesh and Assam, which too would have to compromise their territories if and when a greater Nagaland is recognised, sentiments are unlikely to remain calm.

Under the circumstance, much as we would also like to see a solution to the Naga peace talks, we cannot help being pessimistic that a solution can be close at hand. This is unless major shifts in stances by the negotiating parties become a reality. Such a shift, at least at the moment seems too much to expect. India will never agree to dismember itself to accommodate the Naga demand for sovereignty, perhaps not even as a vassal state like Bhutan. Without this concession, it is also unlikely the Naga leaders would be willing to put their signatures on any agreement. In other words, unless an agreement is reached for a non-territorial solution which lays more emphasis on cultural and ethnic identity preservation, such as the much cited Sami Parliament for the Sami people in Scandinavia, or the Gurudwara as the identity binding sinew for the Sikhs, we cannot foresee any headway in the present Naga peace process just as yet.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/11/negotiating-peace/

The recently concluded Bhagyachandra National Dance and Music Festival held at the ruins of the old Govindaji Temple inside the Kangla was, to say the least, impressive. Not only did performing arts lovers of the state have the opportunity to see the performances by some of the best exponents of dance forms in the Indian classical tradition but it was also a rare opportunity to see a part of the Kangla done up and lit to bring out it grandeur to its fullest. The Kangla was for long inaccessible to the public and even now entry is still restricted to daylight hours. The days of the festival thus also allowed the public to see this historic place at night, and what a glorious sight it was. If any tangible evidence of historical heritage can make anybody proud, this would have to be one of them for the people of the state by and large. We are certain the treat was reciprocal for the performers as well, considering the large turnout of audience each day and their appreciative nature. On the third and final day of the festival, there was hardly any space to even stand on. Yet the crowd hung on to watch and enjoy the performances to the very last act. Nobody would have any doubt how much in love with the performing arts Manipur is, and it is no wonder the place has also produced, and continues to produce, many superlative artistes of its own.

But there are certain points to be noted in the upkeep of the Kangla. At the moment, there are visibly many renovation works being done inside the complex. We hope they are being done with expert guidance. In the past there have been cases of renovation work actually altering the faces of these ancient structures to give them a modern finish. As evidence we can recall the manner the Thangal Temple at the Palace Compound was given a cement coating and then white washed a few years ago by the state’s archaeological department, robbing the building of the dignity it earned by sheer age. On another front, one of the complaints by visitors is they end up bewildered inside the complex as there are no indicators whatsoever to give them an idea of the history of the different monuments. We wonder why the government is not listening for many newspapers, including IFP, on several occasions on this extremely obvious lacuna. At the least, the government should have already erected stone plaques besides these sites with brief descriptions of the monuments and their history. And there can be no denying there is plenty of history inside the Kangla waiting to be told. Indeed, a tour within the complex can give a fairly comprehensive idea of the history of the erstwhile kingdom, both ancient and recent.

There are many other irritants the government must bring to an end at the soonest. Visitors are often confronted with cacophonous sirens blaring from VIP vehicles and their convoys of escorts zipping through the complex. This is understandably with an eye on saving the VIPs of the oppressive congestions of the busy streets outside. While some allowance must be given to VIPs, it must have a limit when it concerns such a sacrosanct space as the Kangla. Some restrictions should also be put on the VIPs. As for instance, horns and sirens within the complex must be banned, and a speed limit placed on any vehicles entering the complex. Entry permits must also be strictly time bound, perhaps during office going and returning hours only and not at any other time. The vehicles must also be allowed only on certain routes only. The important point is, first and foremost, the sanctity of the Kangla must not be compromised at any cost, not any more or less by VIPs. Second, this complex is already turning out to be a tourist attraction and as the state opens up this attribute can safely be predicted to increase in magnitude. This being the case, it is important anybody who desires to visit the place is made to feel as welcomed as possible. Third, the Kangla complex is turning out to be quite a refreshing green spot in the ever increasing concrete jungle of Imphal city. Restricting vehicle entry would be towards this end of nurturing the ecology within too.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/11/kangla-sanctity/

It is surprising that not many have pondered on this revealing thought. Isaiah Berlin, points out in his essay “In Search of an Ideal” in the volume “Crooked Timber of Humanity” that not a single one amongst the perceptive social thinkers of the 19th Century, undoubtedly one of the most creative periods of human history, ever predicted the ethnic identity predicament of the 20th Century. None of them foresaw the politics of religious fundamentalism or any preoccupation with the issue of terrorism either. Marx, Hegel, Luxembourg et al… who predicted, and quite accurately too, devastating wars and bloody revolutions, for some mysterious reason, seemed never to have had a hint of these. Confining ourselves to the ethnic identity upheavals, how did this distinctive characteristics of the late 20th Century that has spilled over into the 21st Century, so well screened out from the vision of social scientists of the preceding era? The indication says the late Berlin, a great scholar of the contemporary time, is that many events in history are not exactly a continuity. Many of them simply pop out up within a specific historical time frame so that they would be virtually invisible from outside this time frame. The ethnic question certainly seems to be just one of these. The optimistic inference that follows is, just as these problems popped up into existence suddenly, in all likelihood, at the other edge of the time frame that circumscribe them, they may age out and fade away. Much like we suppose, the comet hit that threw the earth into a cataclysmic period 60 million years ago, resulting in the ultimate extinction of many species, including the dinosaurs after their nearly 4 million years of dominating, indeed domineering, over all other life forms on earth.

To a great extent, this vision would support the debunking theory of history as a matter of “one damned thing after another”. That the popular method of historiography of logically sequencing major events and epochs in chronological time into a single coherent narrative may not always be justified and hence fall short of explaining every historical experience satisfactorily, much less predict the future. Isaiah Berlin seems to take the middle path, so that while most events in history are seen as dovetailing each other, others follow unpredictable trajectories, independent of any such tangible historical streams or patterns. If at all these explosive events are predictable, it would only be within the time frame of their existence. Take the case of the ethnic strife in Manipur. Who would have predicted things would come to such a pass as it is today, even as late at the earlier half of the 20th Century? Communities that have been together for aeons have suddenly begun to see themselves as irreconcilably different, having always lived in “unique”, non-overlapping histories. Is it our share of a disease of the 20th Century? This question is interesting for it cannot be by coincidence that the explosion of ethnic identity strife here seems to be following the law of physics that predicts “sympathetic oscillation of pendulums in close proximity”. Visit the “Manipur Science Park” at Takyelpat (with your children) for captivating demonstrations of this law. The ethnic problem in Manipur is not in any way an isolated phenomenon, for almost simultaneously, similar problems exploded with equal, if not greater ferocity in so many different parts of the world. In Sub-Saharan Africa, Eastern Europe, or Sri Lanka, they were so viciously xenophobic and many of the conflicts turned genocidal. Very much the same thing can be said of “terrorism” and religious fundamentalism. So what, one may ask. What great difference does it make if our present misery is part of an inherited sin or is a singular cataclysmic historical turbulence? For one thing, if our actions are not merely reactions but are driven by independent urges and aspirations, the different communities can stop shifting blame on each other and instead live up to the challenge of the time and evolve a consensual solution. The second implication is, as in the case of “sympathetic oscillation” when the oscillation of one halts, the others oscillating bodies may die their own natural deaths. At the turn of another epoch then, ethnic problems, including our own, may have seen its obituary. We will be amongst the first to wish it an eternal “Rest in Peace”, RIP.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/11/sympathetic-oscillation-of-crises/

Leader writer : Paojel Chaoba
Times are tough,no need to describe the sufferings of the public. The economic blockade still enforced by the UNC leaves us in a status quo. Among the major wants is fuel, serpentine queues are still witnessed and one has to wait long hours in the sun to get the rationed amount.

The unavailability of petrol creates a domino effect to the entire system. The education sector is also affected as school vans cannot transport students and private schools had to close down for the day. Similarly teachers find it hard to attend their duties due to the predicament.

Such issues need to be monitored by the government and at present it is clearly evident that the SPF ministry had left much wanting in its governance. The flagship schemes for the child, Sarva Sikhsya Abhiyan, mid day meals etc are aimed for the benefit of the child, but is much debatable if the norms so laid down under the provisions of the schemes are implemented in totality. The recent scam of an assistant inspector of Bishnupur district caught selling off rice meant for students by the school monitoring committee is an eye opener, there must be myriad similar scams being perpetrated, especially at the hill areas. 

The implementing bodies of the government are there but the need for a monitoring body to assess and take preventive measures for the welfare of the child, a State Commission for Protection of Child Rights must be instituted at the earliest.

The Convention on the Rights of the child (CRC) was adopted as a treaty body in the UN on 20th November 1989. India signed and ratified the CRC on 11th December 1992. On signing and ratifying the Convention, India is mandated to monitor and enforce this treaty.

In  2011, we have a year left for India to submit its periodic report on the implementation of the Convention of the Rights of the Child in 2012. Cutting closer to home, on just the surface of the point lies many schools, where children under 18 years of age goes, closed under the reeling crunch of fuel shortages among others. How do we explain this scenario in our various reports on the implementation of CRC, notwithstanding the fact that RTE 2009 has been passed, Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan is still in progress, Juvenile Justice(Care and Protection) Act 2006 has been passed with due amendments, Integrated Child Protection Scheme has been initiated and implemented with due budgetary allocations and many others which necessarily paves way for the best interests of the child to survive, to develop, to participate and to be protected, including special protection in situations of emergency and armed conflict.

Human rights activism in Manipur is not mere heresay and it’s a serious matter including those of child rights. Civil society’s reaction to the rampant kidnapping of children, closure of schools, trafficking have resulted in positive response even from the government in earlier years. Dissemination of information and awareness building amongst the stakeholders about the pertinence of child rights in shaping a better tomorrow has not seen the end of the day. Effective and strategic efforts define the working of many an organisation for children in a place like Manipur where children are often denied of childhood, be it be drugs, armed conflict, displacement, or simply failure of the governance system.

Juxtaposed with  this impending emergency of bandhs and blockades, where children are consistently and continuously denied of basic health care, nutrition, adequate standard of living(read electricity), denied of the right to be educated, to leisure and above all denied of the right for their views to be respected or should we say denied of a space to be heard at all.

Where do we go from here? No doubt we have our Child Welfare Committees, Juvenile Justice Boards in place under the purview of the JJ Act, which the government was almost compelled to pass due to a PIL filed by child right activists in 2000. But that is still a limited arena for the varied and manifold spectrum of rights that need to be fulfilled for a child to live a dignified life and to maketh a better Manipur. We are aware that CRC is being implemented and the state government will endeavor to fulfill the rights of the child in all its capacity but who will monitor the progress and who will take compliance?

Significantly, the Commission for the Protection of Child Rights Act 2005 has been enacted and a National Commission for the Protection of Child Rights has been duly formed in 2007. Officials from this National Commissions has come to Manipur to conduct public hearings to look into the violations of child rights and instructed the state government to take necessary actions. So far, 12 states have constituted the State Commissions for Child rights including that of Assam, Sikkim, Goa, Delhi, Karnataka, Bihar, Rajasthan etc. Manipur was one of the foremost state to constitute a State Human rights Commission, procrastinated on setting up the Manipur State Commission for Women and we believe that the State Commission on the protection of child rights will soon see the day once our legislators get pro-active on an issue which is so deemed necessary in our state, in our land which we know for sure that we do not inherit from our ancestors but borrow it from our children.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/11/for-the-children/

Leader writer : Paojel Chaoba
Times are tough,no need to describe the sufferings of the public. The economic blockade still enforced by the UNC leaves us in a status quo. Among the major wants is fuel, serpentine queues are still witnessed and one has to wait long hours in the sun to get the rationed amount.

The unavailability of petrol creates a domino effect to the entire system. The education sector is also affected as school vans cannot transport students and private schools had to close down for the day. Similarly teachers find it hard to attend their duties due to the predicament.

Such issues need to be monitored by the government and at present it is clearly evident that the SPF ministry had left much wanting in its governance. The flagship schemes for the child, Sarva Sikhsya Abhiyan, mid day meals etc are aimed for the benefit of the child, but is much debatable if the norms so laid down under the provisions of the schemes are implemented in totality. The recent scam of an assistant inspector of Bishnupur district caught selling off rice meant for students by the school monitoring committee is an eye opener, there must be myriad similar scams being perpetrated, especially at the hill areas. 

The implementing bodies of the government are there but the need for a monitoring body to assess and take preventive measures for the welfare of the child, a State Commission for Protection of Child Rights must be instituted at the earliest.

The Convention on the Rights of the child (CRC) was adopted as a treaty body in the UN on 20th November 1989. India signed and ratified the CRC on 11th December 1992. On signing and ratifying the Convention, India is mandated to monitor and enforce this treaty.

In  2011, we have a year left for India to submit its periodic report on the implementation of the Convention of the Rights of the Child in 2012. Cutting closer to home, on just the surface of the point lies many schools, where children under 18 years of age goes, closed under the reeling crunch of fuel shortages among others. How do we explain this scenario in our various reports on the implementation of CRC, notwithstanding the fact that RTE 2009 has been passed, Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan is still in progress, Juvenile Justice(Care and Protection) Act 2006 has been passed with due amendments, Integrated Child Protection Scheme has been initiated and implemented with due budgetary allocations and many others which necessarily paves way for the best interests of the child to survive, to develop, to participate and to be protected, including special protection in situations of emergency and armed conflict.

Human rights activism in Manipur is not mere heresay and it’s a serious matter including those of child rights. Civil society’s reaction to the rampant kidnapping of children, closure of schools, trafficking have resulted in positive response even from the government in earlier years. Dissemination of information and awareness building amongst the stakeholders about the pertinence of child rights in shaping a better tomorrow has not seen the end of the day. Effective and strategic efforts define the working of many an organisation for children in a place like Manipur where children are often denied of childhood, be it be drugs, armed conflict, displacement, or simply failure of the governance system.

Juxtaposed with  this impending emergency of bandhs and blockades, where children are consistently and continuously denied of basic health care, nutrition, adequate standard of living(read electricity), denied of the right to be educated, to leisure and above all denied of the right for their views to be respected or should we say denied of a space to be heard at all.

Where do we go from here? No doubt we have our Child Welfare Committees, Juvenile Justice Boards in place under the purview of the JJ Act, which the government was almost compelled to pass due to a PIL filed by child right activists in 2000. But that is still a limited arena for the varied and manifold spectrum of rights that need to be fulfilled for a child to live a dignified life and to maketh a better Manipur. We are aware that CRC is being implemented and the state government will endeavor to fulfill the rights of the child in all its capacity but who will monitor the progress and who will take compliance?

Significantly, the Commission for the Protection of Child Rights Act 2005 has been enacted and a National Commission for the Protection of Child Rights has been duly formed in 2007. Officials from this National Commissions has come to Manipur to conduct public hearings to look into the violations of child rights and instructed the state government to take necessary actions. So far, 12 states have constituted the State Commissions for Child rights including that of Assam, Sikkim, Goa, Delhi, Karnataka, Bihar, Rajasthan etc. Manipur was one of the foremost state to constitute a State Human rights Commission, procrastinated on setting up the Manipur State Commission for Women and we believe that the State Commission on the protection of child rights will soon see the day once our legislators get pro-active on an issue which is so deemed necessary in our state, in our land which we know for sure that we do not inherit from our ancestors but borrow it from our children.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/11/for-the-children/

This absurdity is acquiring an air of the surreal. Manipur is under siege for over 100 days now, and the governments both in the state as well as the Centre remain nonchalant. The public who suffer the consequences the most too have not stirred making the situation progressively incomprehensible. But let the government be wary, this calm could be deceptive. The tension being such, a spark somewhere can lead to leaping flames everywhere. In the manner things are progressing (or not progressing) if you like, speculations that these developments have dark electoral motives are getting increasingly difficult to dismiss. The argument is, politicians always stand to gain by polarising the people into sectarian vote banks, and by keeping the current extremely divisive standoff raging, and thereby alienating different communities from one another, different sets of politicians are actually consolidating their support bases. If true, this would be most tragic, for the bitter consequences of a division of the society on communal lines would live longer than the brand of politics creating them. As it is, it does not take much to divide the state’s ethnic communities or the geographical regions of the hills and the valley. For too long, generations after generations of politicians have been playing their selfish and self-serving games of fashioning “us” and “them”, “insiders” and “outsiders”, even where there ought to have been only “we”. Today these manufactured xenophobic categories have crystallised to acquire dangerously real visages threatening macabre consequences.

One thing is certain, if the blockade on Manipur’s lifelines continues, the divide between the hills and valley would come to be accentuated manifolds, for those who feel targeted the most, whether it is the whole fact or not, are those in the valley. Since there is already a rift between the two geographical regions, it would not take too much to heighten up the tensions that exist between them to a flashpoint. Even if no overt violence results out of this, the predictable outcome would be the valley, in particular the Meitei community, putting up a retaliatory front by consolidating as a block. Coming as it does before the Assembly elections early next year, it would not be unreasonable to believe there are certain quarters where this phenomenon is being watched with glee, speculating it to ultimately translate into an electoral cash cow.

We hope this is wrong, but in the manner the demand for the Sadar Hills district as well as opposition to it was being patronised, the issue is difficult to be separated from the idea of vote bank creation. Similarly, the same suspicion cannot but be cast on the powers that be in Imphal for doing nothing more than recede into the background to let things drag on at their own sweet pace knowing full well the longer the blockade stays the more the disenchantment of the valley would become. Public anger in the valley could then be orchestrated to constitute a vote bank. Since the population in the valley is much higher and concentrated, in the number game of democracy, sinister electoral calculations, if at all, would be quite obvious.

Even if there are no designs as such, the fact that should have made the administration wary is that the blockade over the district creation is having the very undesirable result of dividing the population up on communal lines. By no stretch of imagination can anybody say this is nothing very much to worry about. Even if these are to be dismissed as farfetched speculations, the state government must swing into action to have the blockade either lifted voluntarily or else cleared using the powers within its command. If it need be, it must seek the help of the Central government. We are also at a loss as to why the Central government has also not lifted a finger yet. After all what are being blockaded are national highways. Furthermore, these highways are ultimately to be part of the trans-Asian highway system, which is why their nomenclatures have changed already. As for instance NH-39 is now AH-2 (AH for Asian Highway). This being so, the Indian government’s responsibility to keep these highways functional is also hence an international obligation.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/11/blockade-deadlock/

Gen. George S Patton, the controversial American general during the Second World War, whose memory still commands a fan following which runs into millions, (search his name on any good search engine on the internet to be convinced of this), had this piece of advice, or some say order, for his soldiers: “I don’t want any of you dying for your country. I want the enemies to die for their country.” The earthy, even if a little reckless charm of the man who must rank as one of the most endearing icons of the last century, is evident in this remark that snuffs out the romance of martyrdom in just one go. In an ironic tribute to his distaste for romance, the man considered to be one of America’s greatest Generals had to face the court martial after the war for physically assaulting one of his own soldiers on the eve of a major battle in the North African deserts for crying and admitting he was afraid and did not want to fight. The military commander after whose name the famous Patton Tank is christened, was indeed the anticlimax of the popular notions of heroism and martyrdom, and very much the opposite of the fire that drives suicide bombers to blast themselves up in their fanatical belief that they would have not only advanced the cause they fight for, but earned themselves an eternity in paradise after life.

While we admire the guts of martyrs and are overawed by their sense of sacrifice, we cannot always condone or encourage people to take their path. Our reservation is especially for the kind of almost voyeuristic obsession amongst people to nudge the society to throw up martyrs. We respect the martyrs, but are frightfully uneasy about the “martyrdom complex” that makes societies crave to see martyrs and treat the phenomenon as the proof of “manly” courage. Martyrdom must be the means to achieve a cause only when there are no other options left, and not the cause itself. It must be a means and not an end. We do believe martyrs and heroes will be thrown up by history on its own when the situation so demands it but we should not drive our young men and women to fruitless and even tragic martyrdom. Even in desperate situations, we believe there is always room for the kind of down to earth pragmatism of Gen Patton.

We have one person in particular in mind, and a string of events in Manipur in the recent past when we ruminate on the subject of martyrdom. There is a brave young lady, Irom Sharmila who has been on a fast for almost four years now demanding the revocation of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. While her courage is awe inspiring, and her cause just, we still feel those in the gallery have no right to egg her on to die and be martyred. Somebody with her kind of guts can do much more as a living activist for justice, than as a dead martyr. We must work for ways for the revocation of the AFSPA, more importantly, the return of peace in the state relentlessly, but Sharmila must be made to live. We again are awestruck by the self immolation bid by the five brave youth three days ago in front of the chief minister’s office, but we are equally alarmed by the trend. If tomorrow suicide bombers emerge from our midst, rather than be proud, we would be grief stricken. It is of relevance that suicide bombers anywhere have not advanced the cause for which they fight, and if they have made a difference to the body politics of any nation, it has been by way of hardening the state response to the struggles for their causes. Whenever we are overwhelmed by the grandeur of the “death wish” of brave men and women like Sharmila and the five who sought to burn themselves alive for causes that are far from private, we pinch ourselves awake with Gen Patton’s pragmatism. We remind ourselves that living heroes are far more desirable than dead martyrs.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/11/death-wish-grandeur/