That chip on the shoulder?

By Chitra Ahanthem Having missed out on so many Sunday pages of Imphal Free Press,… more »

By Chitra Ahanthem
Having missed out on so many Sunday pages of Imphal Free Press, it sure is a relief to be able to write again: the blame lies entirely with the Electricity Department in between. Meanwhile, a lot has been happening in Manipur all this time – regular surrender ceremonies that armed groups say are staged and security forces tout as successful initiatives for peace; the hide and seek game of picking up children for recruiting as child soldiers take v/s children leaving homes on their own accord to join armed groups take despite the fact that those under 18 as not having gained adulthood cannot make decisions on their own and guardians have to step in to do the same; the regular MLA tours of their constituencies accompanied by photos in papers and nothing much happening afterwards et el. But the burning topic is a huge issue called “racial discrimination” that has popped up in the national media in a twist of irony.

The ‘ironic’ bit comes in because Manipur and other states in the North East region are often blanked out in national newspapers and TV channels: so if highways are blocked for months on end, some media folks (on the national level) may pontificate on their social networking avatars about it but not give much coverage or raise the issue; if fake encounters are happening left, right and center the statistics will end up as tickers on the TV screen and has 1 paragraph reports but not go further than that. At best, the national media has only looked at the region as ‘exotica’ and surface reporting, not bothering enough for analysis or understanding of the region, its issues and its people. So, there will be generalizations: “so, one person in every 100 in Manipur is HIV positive?” That was someone in a mainstream news outlet asking me and I merely wanted to laugh out loud at his ignorance. For him, it did not matter that 4 other states in India (Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Nagaland) have the same HIV/AIDS epidemiology trends. He was much too intent on making a story out of it without getting into the details. There are just too many generalizations about the region than I would care to write here.

It took two unfortunate deaths of two young people from the region in two metro cities to get the media panting with feverish zeal. The bit of where the deaths happened is critical to the story. If the deaths had happened in the region, the media attention would not have happened and neither would the buzz over ‘racial discrimination’ threaten to become a rousing bandwagon. The discussions on social networking sites are currently adrenaline fuelled with outbursts of being “racially discriminated”. Only a few voices call for internalizing the issue and ask whether the same persons are also not discriminating of other minorities within their own groups. Predictably enough, these voices are shut down with vitriol.

Everyone on the bandwagon has stories of being called names by other people, of being teased. The convenient amnesia is over the bit of these same people using names for other people different from them, over how over-zealous males strut with ‘how dare our women change their surnames when they marry outsiders’. With regard to how police are dragging their legs over the death of Richard Loitam, no one wants to talk about the real thing: that the legal and police system is greatly flawed and that it takes either power and position or public protests to make sure that even a complaint is registered regardless of the nature of the crime and who commits it. Richard Loitam belonged to a lesser power position as someone not from the state (Karnatake) but that does not mean ‘racial discrimination’ was the only root cause as it is made out to be. Many other people in the country and the NE region have died without getting justice while many others languish in jails because the legal and police system plays into the politics of power, pull and position. But it took the chest beating over ‘racial discrimination’ to get the media all excited. Then came the hangers on: political posturing (for brownie points) and certain people getting their moment(s) of fame on national media time and space. More power to them but has anyone thought about the core issue of whether the charge of ‘racial discrimination’ is true at all?

That infamous manual for people from the NE region released by the Delhi Police some years ago was a serious issue of discrimination. It asked people from the region to follow certain codes of dressing and what sort of food to eat (“non smelly”!!). But apart from this uncalled for guideline that was meant for everyone in the region, the rest cannot be called as discrimination upfront. Let’s go back to history and look at the Black’s Civil Rights Movement: when public transport systems had separate seating for Blacks and whites, when there were separate and segregated spaces for the Black people. That was racial discrimination: when everything boiled down to race and the rights of the Blacks were not considered at all. Do people from the NE region have a segregated space in public life? In getting their due when they have merit? The answer is a big no for people from the region have made it to the top in various professions and can sit in Competitive Examinations. Racial discrimination is a civil and political issue whereas the current outpourings over not being made to feel to belong are emotive ones. The sooner we realize this and the national media gets it, the better mind-frame we can get in to engage on the various layers that confront us today.

Unfortunately, the innate nature of minority voices being shut down has also meant that the juggernaut on ‘racial discrimination’ is drowning out saner voices though a few have stood out. Swar Thounaojam a young playwright and a theatre director based in Bangalore raises some core issues: “Why are the prime time news channels, all based in New Delhi, enthusiastically taking up the Fight Racism against the North East cudgel? Because it is the most lightweight of cudgels to pick up and you can use it to pontificate on national integration and the diversity of India. Another offshoot of this debate is the sporadic growth of a stereotyping of the Mongoloid population from the NE as a bunch of people with attitude and victim complex issues. The greatest problem with the current racism debate is conflating region with race. India doesn’t yet have a full-fledged articulation of the discrimination faced by its minority Mongoloid population. No contemporary Indian philosopher, intellectual or social scientist has contextualized the stratification of this particular population – from NE, Nepal, Bhutan, Tibet, China etc – and we are all struggling from the lack of specific political and social idioms that would have helped us examine the state of the nation critically.”

End Point:
As this piece ends, I can almost sense the amount of hate filled comments that will emerge from within my own community. But if we had no space for debates and discussions, aren’t we falling prey to the “either you are with us or against us” phenomenon that is the root cause of all forms of discrimination? Discrimination is not of race alone, it has also got to do with minority voices. I end with another sane opinion made by a young friend Devakishor Soraisham : “TV channels and prominent members of the `civil society` of Manipur, enough with the discussions about `racism discrimination of NE people by the rest of India` for now! Please! Let us not divert from the real problem here, that of justice denied to a student killed! And before we accuse others of being discriminating, let us look at ourselves first.”

Just a note again: Anyone remember the names of the 18 migrant labourers who got killed a few years ago? The diktat by an armed group asking ALL migrant labourers to leave the state, failing which they would be killed? Now, what was that? And what did we do?

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/05/that-chip-on-the-shoulder/

Not at home at home

By Pradip Phanjoubam (A slightly modified version of this article appeared in the opinion column… more »

By Pradip Phanjoubam
(A slightly modified version of this article appeared in the opinion column of the Crest edition of The Times of India on Saturday, May 12.)

The suicide by 21 year old management student, Dana M Sangma from Meghalaya at Amity University, Punchgaon campus, Gurgaon, on April 24, close on the heels of the violent death of 19 year old architecture student Richard Loitam from Manipur at Acharya NRV School of Architecture, Bangalore, on April 18 have once again brought to the fore the vexed question whether the Northeast has emotionally integrated with the spirit of India, and more relevantly, whether the India that supposedly represents this spirit has accepted the Northeast.

Dana was apparently humiliated in the examination hall for allegedly cheating and Richard was beaten up by hostel mates for the frivolous reason of toggling TV channels during an IPL match.

That Dana turned out to be the niece of the chief minister of Meghalaya, Mukul Sangma, has made the case high profile, this notwithstanding, it is the spontaneous sense of widespread outrage amongst students from the Northeast studying and living outside the Northeast which should be a cause for concern. Probably dozens die in similar circumstance each year so why all the ado in these two cases?

Are people from the Northeast discriminated in the rest of India or is the Northeast being overly sensitive? Probably it is both, each feeding on the other, perpetuating the ugly cycle. The discrimination would not necessarily be overt. It would be more about a cultural milieu which nurtured the popular image of the Indian in which the ethnic profile of the Northeast is an uneasy fit.

For most Northeasterners, the existential question, “who am I?” has had to be renegotiated the day he stepped across the Siliguri corridor or Chicken’s Neck as it is also popularly known, the narrow strip of land wedged between Bangladesh and Bhutan, which connects the Northeast to sub-continental India.

Manipur’s case, though understandably peculiar to itself in many ways, should be illustrative of this alienation. For many middleclass young men and women here, especially among the Hindu Meiteis who have grown up in surroundings of devout Vaishnav culture, with the unwritten will of elders wanting their cremation ashes to be immersed in the holy waters of the Ganga or in the sea at Jaganath Puri, the question “who am I” begins to be troubling normally at college age, which is about the time their parents send them away from for higher studies in better political and academic climes of other Indian states. Till then, most would have had no real problem in believing themselves to be Indians without even the need to reflect on what it means to be Indian.

They would hence cheer for the Indian hockey and football teams without reservation. Cricket is still a little alien, although its fan following is now growing. They celebrate Holi and Durga Puja and other Hindu festivals, and thus share a sense of loose community with Hindu India. Their sense of a letdown when they discover there is more to the Indian identity than they believed it was is often acute. Many end up embittered.

For many Northeast Christian communities, the sense of affiliation to the idea of India is a substantially different equation, for India although politically secular, culturally is still predominantly the land of the Hindus. A good majority of the Nagas in Nagaland, for instance would even today say they are not Indians. But there is a finer distinction here. The “Indian” that the Naga say he is not, is an imagined ethnic category and not always a citizenship status. So when the average Naga says he is not Indian, he generally means he is not the non-Mongoloid, generally darker skinned plainsman that he considers is the ethnic profile of an Indian.

Is the North Easterner an Indian then? On the face of it, yes. He is a citizen of India. He fulfils all the obligations of being an Indian citizen and in turn enjoys all of the Republic’s guarantees, although with some terrible hiccups like the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. But the trouble is, being an Indian does not end here. It begins at this point. Quite to the contrary of what the constitution defines, “Indianness” is often intuitively projected as a primordial state of belonging to a unique cultural phenomenon. Anybody therefore can become an Indian citizen but not an Indian. He has to be born one. The trouble is, a good part of the Northeast is outside this cultural phenomenon. This also explains why overseas travellers from the Northeast are often called upon to qualify their claims of being Indians every time they hold out their Indian passports.

To invoke Benedict Anderson, between the reality of the Indian State and the “imagining” that gives it its National character, still falls a shadow. It is a cruel vindication of Anderson again that Richard was assaulted for disrespecting cricket, a widely shared ritual of this “imagined community”.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/05/not-at-home-at-home/

Richard Loitam: An Alien In His Own Country?

By Arijit Sen On the afternoon of July 15, 2004, 12 women disrobed themselves and… more »

By Arijit Sen
On the afternoon of July 15, 2004, 12 women disrobed themselves and stood naked in front of the Indian paramilitary headquarters in Imphal. Together they held a single length of white cloth that had “Indian Army Rape Us” emblazoned on it in red paint. No corner of India had witnessed such a display of anger, ever. The Manipuri women were protesting the gangrape and murder of a 32-year old woman, by paramilitary forces. It was only after this protest by the ‘Imas’ or mothers of Manipur and the publication of photographs of their protest in some newspapers that the rest of the mainstream media woke up. Reporters were sent to Imphal. Stories were carried and awards won. Unfortunately, the principal demand of the protest, the repeal of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, fell on deaf ears. Manipur, again, dropped off the national mainstream news cycle. Ironically, in December 2008, the same group of 12 women travelled from Manipur and staged a sit-in protest in Delhi. The media did not find the protests newsworthy.

It is not without reason that Indians from the Northeast corner of the country often feel neglected and ignored. The apathy displayed towards the region by the so-called mainstream Indians is perverse, if not criminal. Currently, the death of 19-year old Richard Loitam and 21-year old Dana Sangma has hit the national headlines. There are protests, debates and efforts to bridge divides. Even then a large number of educated Indians display surprising ignorance. Some believe that the entire debate of ignorance of the Northeast is a myth. Some, still, do not think twice before cracking a joke on the region. In metropolitan India, the dominant image of the region still remains that of a wild frontier.

At Delhi, few months ago, an award winning Indian film critic was looking back with much love at a few days she spent in Nagaland. Or was it Manipur? She couldn’t exactly remember. But she was certain it was the Northeast. That was what mattered most. She seemed happy to have done her bit of exotic tourism. “But oh the roads and the time we spent to travel to “what was the name of the capital city” from Dimapur?, she asked me. “I could have reached Paris in that time”, she underlined. Global citizens have their way of drawing comparisons. I couldn’t fathom the Paris-Kohima trade off even if it was in half-jest. But our cine pandit’s bharat darshan kahaani let my mind go back to what an Ivy League-educated American economist had once asked me, “Tell me frankly, are there any cannibals in Northeast?” I thought there wasn’t much difference between these two entitled and illuminated global beings. Be it an elite Indian or an elite Westerner, for most, the idea of Manipur and that of the entire Northeast even in 2012, still remains that of an area of darkness. It’s an idea that comes with a healthy dose of colonial hangover. Gazeteer’s records hidden away at archives in London, the fountain head of civilisation, have ravingly racist descriptions of Northeast India. In the 19th Century, according to Lord Dalhousie, it was an area full of “pertinacious savages”. An idea not too far removed from what is thought about the region now. In 2008, an Indian television anchor reporting from Nagaland famously said that “the further I travel inside Nagaland, the further I move away from civilisation”. The foundations of the British Empire still appear unshaken in such statements.

The biggest instrument of such a civilisation, democracy and in turn elections, has established itself comfortably in Northeastern Indian states. When it comes to governance in a place like Manipur, for most observers and policymakers what remains of interest is the number of people who cast their votes in elections. In this democracy overdose, many also tend to ignore that Manipur was the first corner in South Asia that elected a government on adult franchise in 1948. That assembly was dismissed, the King of Manipur was put under house arrest in Shillong. A treaty of accession was signed in 1949 under direction of the then Home Minister of India Sardar Vallabbhai Patel of the Indian National Congress. Late Mr. Patel probably would be a happy man to find Manipur’s speedy rise in India’s electoral politics in the last sixty years. A newfound status of a C Category State (from being an Independent Kingdom that was making the transformation to democracy) in 1949 to 60 MLAs and at least 30 militant outfits in active resistance in 2012 the journey has been stupendous according to some, disastrous according to most. Not to forget the inescapable darkness of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act across the state.

When it comes to building bridges with the rest of India, one extreme suggestion is to overlook problems and talk about success stories. Ignore the insurgency chatter, ignore the problems and put the winners, the successful on the hoardings of Incredible India.  I met the incredible-then thrice world boxing champion MC Marykom at her home in Imphal in 2007. I clearly remember how she said that for many Manipuris sport remains the passport to a better life, or a job in the police or two meals a day in a training camp. Marykom’s story is one of incredible success against all odds. Yet, for her recognition has been incremental. Not a continuous one as is the case in cricket or tennis. It is almost to hide the embarrasments of racial hatred against people from Northeast India, an embrace of a Marykom seems imperative.

That embrace, however, fails to erase certain facts. The Ministry of Development of Northeast Region has released 138 billion rupees in the last ten years. However, the funds have either been misdirected or not used at all. According to the Human Development and Infrastructure Index mentioned in the Twelfth (2005-10) Finance Commission Report, the seven Northeastern states rank the lowest in infrastructure development.  Basic facilities like elecricity, water, roads are absent in most of Northeast. There are local militias calling the shots in various places and in many places the ideology of resistance has been replaced by the convenience of money-sharing arrangements between local militias and bureaucracy. The Justice Manisana Commission report (2008) on the misappropriation of funds in North Cachar Hills Autonomous Council mentions how funds meant for development work were chanelled to militants and some departmental officers in Assam received their due share. In 2012, an Austrian Company moved out of oil exploration work in Assam, after they were asked to pay 70 lakh rupees by a faction of the United Liberation Front of Assam.  There are at least 30 active militant groups in the region. The government is negotiating with at least 15. Every year, like a ritual, signing of ceasefire agreements and surrender ceremonies keep alive the lies and deception of peace building in Northeast India. Behind all changes in the region, this remains a constant.

What also remains constant despite all efforts is the attitude of the Indian bureacucracy towards the region. In 2007, an Indian Police Service official wrote a booklet for students from Northeast who come to study in Delhi. In “Security tips for Northeastern students” racial profiling was the underlining theme. It had instructions for women from the Northeast to avoid wearing revealing clothes and dress according to the sensitivity of the local population. “Avoid lonely roads/bylanes when dressed scantily”, it counselled, clearly implying that women from the Northeast display too much skin. It also objected to Northeastern food habits, especially the cooking of akhuni and bamboo shoots, saying “smelly dishes should be prepared without creating ruckus in the neighbourhood”. Ironically, the booklet was written by an IPS officer from the Northeast who considered these exhortations to be in the interest of ‘emotional and patriotic integration”.

Suddenly, when it comes to Northeast civil liberties seem to have been defenestrated. And in a free India integration seems to be taking place at gunpoint. This integration was probably never there and with the deaths of Richard and Dana seems to have gone horribly wrong. Take a look at the the profiling of Northeast India that takes place comes out in various ways. Jonathan Glancey of The Guardian mentions a report of the Indian media in his travelogue, Nagaland: A Journey to India’s Forgotten Frontier ( which too is guilty of making the area appear exotic), where someone suggests that the thriving monkey population of Delhi should be sent to Nagaland because, “the locals will have no problem dealing with monkeys; they will eat them”. This year in February during a dog menace in Punjab, the MLAs decided to write to the Nagaland government.  Then MLA Makhan Singh, a member of the Vidhan Sabha Committee wrote that “besides looking for a provision in law to kill stray dogs we are working out the possibility of sending the canines to Nagaland, where dogs are commonly sold for meat”

After the death of Richard Loitam and Dana Sangma and a campaign for justice for them, Indian Parliament discussed Northeast last week. Arun Jaitley and P Chidambaram spoke with much passion. They spoke of helpline numbers for the students.  They spoke about sensitizing the rest of India about the region. I am told most of Manipur could not catch them on TV. The region just gets one hour of electricity in a twenty four day.
Email: arijitsenmail@gmail.com

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/05/richard-loitam-an-alien-in-his-own-country/

`Who Else is the Beneficiary of CSD Liquor?`

  By Maj Gen Chander Nandwani (Veteran) Way back in 1995, I was posted as… more »

 

By Maj Gen Chander Nandwani (Veteran)
Way back in 1995, I was posted as Additional Director General of Supplies & Transport in Army Headquarters. Apart from my routine responsibilities, I was also given additional charge of managing Army Headquarters (AHQ) canteen, as its Chairman. It wasn’t much of a prized post, since a retired Colonel appointed as the Canteen Manager with around 50 to 60 civilian employees working under him, was essentially accountable, for the day-to-day functioning of the canteen.

Soon after taking over the additional responsibility, I decided to pay a visit to the AHQ canteen during the lunch hour break to get a ‘Feedback’ from the employees with regard to their working conditions as also motivate them to provide better service to the customers. After patiently listening to their woes and giving ‘on-the-spot’ decisions to improve their working conditions, I made a remark that while being posted at Delhi on three earlier occasions, I had never patronized AHQ canteen, as more often than not, all the attractive consumer items including popular brands of liquor were seldom accessible to the customers. Therefore, my area of focus would be to strictly monitor the indenting and sale of such items. For this purpose, computers would be installed in the canteen and sale of liquor strictly regulated through issue of new cards after due verification of the cardholders. Further, the existing liquor cards in use would be discontinued straightaway and destroyed.

The next day, all hell was let loose against me. Big posters were pasted at every nook and corner of Sena Bhawan and South Block, making serious allegations against me. Radhe Shyam (name changed), a labourer and the union leader of AHQ Canteen civilian employees, having three buses and two flats in Delhi, threatened that there would be ‘Mass Joint Self Immolation’ by all employees at Jantar Mantar on the Republic Day (due after 10 days or so), if Maj Gen Chander Nandwani was not immediately removed from the post of Chairman of the canteen. News items on similar lines were also published in the reputed national dailies. The allegations made against me included taking of a big bribe for purchase new computers, favouring purchase of specific liquor brands, coercing women employees for sexual favours and so on. I was particularly tickled by the allegation of sexual favours and cheekily informed my wife that surely my standing in this regard was now far better than what she had imagined during past several years of our married life!!!

I was immediately summoned by the Quarter Master General (QMG), under whom the canteen functioned, and was asked to brief him on this sudden turn of events when everything was going on so smoothly before I took over the charge of the AHQ canteen. I requested for a couple of days time to make discreet enquiries. Before I could say ’Jack Robinson’, there was a note from the MOD signed by a Director level officer asking the Chief of Army Staff (COAS) to comment on the allegations made against me and take all possible measures, including removing me from the post of Chairman, to avoid any embarrassment to the Govt., should the threat of ‘Mass Self-Immolation’ materialize, just prior to the Republic Day. What a joke! The matter did not end there. This note from MOD was followed by another note through which, a memorandum signed by 13 MPs and addressed to the Defence Minister, was also forwarded to the COAS, urging him to remove me from the post. This raised the hackles of the then COAS, late General BC Joshi. He called the QMG to his office and asked him to take the matter very seriously and put up a draft reply to both the notes of the MOD, for his approval. In the meanwhile an interim reply was sent to the MOD that the matter was being investigated.

My preliminary investigations revealed that a perfect nexus existed between the canteen civilian staff union leader Radhe Shyam, a few officials of MOD and a large number of politicians, to whom liquor was being supplied from AHQ canteen, on a regular basis. Of course the demand increased manifold during the time of elections. What intrigued me the most was the ‘modus operandi’ of smuggling out of such large quantities of liquor, with the Military Police and several other security agencies working in the highly sensitive areas of Army Headquarters and MOD. The actuality came to light when a disgruntled ex civilian employee of the canteen spilled the beans to me on promise of strict anonymity. I was shaken out of my bones when the truth came to light and immediately ran to the office of QMG to give him the details. He dis-believed me and decided to get the facts verified through a field security agency of the army and learnt to his horror that what I had disclosed to him was the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth.

Well this is how the system worked. The union leader had in his custody hundreds of old liquor cards of servicemen and/or ex-servicemen who had either left the station or had died. He drew choicest brands of liquor from the canteen in the names of these personnel and had simultaneously perfected a distribution system through which the liquor was delivered right at the doorsteps of the selected MOD officials and several politicians apart from other influential clients in the ministry. Surprisingly, right next to the AHQ canteen was the parking lot of VIP staff cars and some of these staff car drivers had been bought over by Radhe Shyam by giving them free bottles of rum and other lucrative canteen items such as expensive watches etc. During the lunch break when security was lax, these drivers would reverse their cars next to the canteen bulk store, wherefrom crates of liquor were loaded into the dickey of these staff cars. Radhe Shyam instructed these drivers to deliver the liquor crates at various locations after dropping the VIPs at their respective residences. Wow what an ingenuous idea! The irony of the matter is that the staff cars with the flags & star plates of Generals, Admirals and Air Marshals (including the QMG), without the knowledge of the occupants, were being illegitimately used by unscrupulous individuals for their unholy deeds. Sadly these very senior officers had unknowingly become couriers of liquor for the politicians. No wonder there was such a sharp reaction from all quarters, when I had only hinted at introducing computers to check the sale of liquor from the AHQ canteen!

The Chief on being informed of the facts of the case directed the QMG to give me full protection and total support to cleanse the system. I obtained legal advice from a leading civilian lawyer. He advised me to request for an enquiry against myself since I had taken over the post barely 10 days earlier and had nothing to hide. Thereafter, on my specific request on file, a court of inquiry was ordered by the QMG to investigate into the allegations made by Radhe Shyam, which were supported by the MOD and the MPs. The court of Inquiry proved these allegations to be false, baseless and malicious with the sole aim of having me removed from the post due to ulterior motives. To avoid several heads from rolling, the MOD and the MPs were politely told by the then COAS verbally that the matter had been thoroughly investigated by a high-powered court of Inquiry, which had opined that there was no truth in the allegations made by the union leader. Hence the matter was not being pursued further to save all concerned from grave embarrassment.

On directions of the QMG, the services of the union leader were terminated under my signatures and the whole system revamped with the introduction of computers, thus bringing to an end the sordid drama of “The Canteen Liquor Connection of MOD!”

My only regret still remains that the allegation of my so-called sexual exploits with women employees was also quashed in the bargain, thus proving the obvious!!!

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/05/who-else-is-the-beneficiary-of-csd-liquor/

Punish the murderers of Richard Loitam of Manipur

  By Jagdamba Mall “Bhaiya mat maaro” were perhaps the last words of Richard Loitam… more »

 

By Jagdamba Mall
“Bhaiya mat maaro” were perhaps the last words of Richard Loitam – a 19 year Meitei Hindu 1st year student of architecture at the Acharya NRV Institute of Architecture, Bangaluru on 17th April 2012 who came to Bangaluru with the dream of becoming an architect but died instead after being attacked by two of his seniors – Vishal Benerjee and Syed Afzal Ali – both from Jharkhand in his college hostel on that fateful day. The two seniors had attacked Richard Loitam following an argument over watching an IPL match in the college hostel.

As per the report gathered from the fellow students who were present at the time of brawl, Loitam’s head was forcibly pushed against the window rods of hall. His head and vulnerable and sensitive parts of his body bore marks of severe assaults with some blunt object and was bleeding profusely from mouth and nose. When the door of his room did not open next day i.e. 18th April 2012 till noon and he was not responding to any loud call, he was found dead when his door was break-opened. Richard Loitam was a cheerful and obedient son of his doctor parents in Imphal, Manipur. He was an avid footballer, a music lover, cordial, sincere and bright student.

Instead of showing a human sympathy to the innocent victim student and his wailing parents and family members, the police and management concocted the story of Loitam being a drug addict who met with an accident because of which his death occurred. Even on the lapse of 21 days of filing this report on 9th May 2012, the culprits – Vishal Benerjee and Syed Afjal Ali are still not arrested and are in the hostel under police protection. They are neither rusticated nor punished in any manner even though a case of murder has been lodged in the police station under section 302 and 306 of Cr.P.C. They are attending regular classes.

On hearing the news of death of Richard Loitam, the team of Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) under the leadership of Ningombam Sanjeev Kumar – a resident of Imphal (Manipur) and a research scholar Ph.D. student in Management in Bangalore University who is a national executive member of ABVP, visited the place of incident, took the stock of situation, met the College Principal, warden and all other concerned faculty member and employees and submitted a memorandum to Principal expressing the anguish over the inaction of police and college authorities and instead spreading over the mischievous propaganda against the dead – Richard Loitam. ABVP organized protest rally and submitted a similar memorandum to Shri R. Ashok, Home Minister of Karnataka Government as well, but in vain.

Back home, the student bodies in Manipur and other States of North-East Region are continuously agitating demanding the justice from State Government of Karnataka and Union Government. The print and electronic media has given a large coverage to this incident. The agitators clearly say if the victim was from any other State out of North-East Zone and the culprits/murderers were from North-East Region, could the law enforcing agencies under the control of Karnataka Government and Union Government remain as inactive as they are in this case? Such step-motherly behavior of Delhi and Bangaluru adds to already existing segregation and disenchantments in the minds of people of NE Region. The anti-national forces most active in Manipur and other NE States add fuel to the fire. To extinguish the fire of discontent and discrimination, the concerned Governments of Karnataka and Delhi must act decisively to do justice to the victim and his parents to restore the confidence.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/05/punish-the-murderers-of-richard-loitam-of-manipur/

Why Many Youth Are Leaving Their Place Of Birth-manipur

By Khelsoril Wanbe There is no denying the fact that one’s land of birth has… more »

By Khelsoril Wanbe
There is no denying the fact that one’s land of birth has a magical power that makes it hard for those who have gone far away from her to forget her easily. In fact, thousands upon thousands of the natives of Manipur are studying and working in different cities of India. During my stay in Delhi I have, in different ways, interviewed some of the youth who are studying and working here. They all seem to want to go back to Manipur, but on second thought, they seem to harbor some kind of anger in their hearts. Corruption, for instance, is one big thing that is conjured up in their minds whenever they think of Manipur that dissuade them from venturing back to their land of birth. They are well aware of the alleged selling and buying of government jobs in Manipur. Despite a number of declarations made through the media by many influential and responsible personalities of the land that corruption will not be tolerated or allowed to persist, in the innermost part of their hearts, they still have doubts about those words getting translated into real actions. And corruption aside, many other bad situations in Manipur continue to discourage them from venturing back to their motherland.

In strange lands they work among strange people, yet ironically, they seem to feel more secure. A friend of mine suggested to me to bring my family and settle permanently in Delhi. I, without even thinking for a moment, answered him saying, “Yes that’s a good suggestion, but I feel that Delhi is not a safe place for women and children”, to which he answered, “Do you think Manipur is safer than Delhi?”. His question left me quite puzzled. After thinking for a few minutes, I told him, “Besides that matter, all my good friends and relatives are in Manipur, so I miss that place.”

Sometimes, I close my eyes and think of the many problems infesting our land of birth. Unemployment problem also happens to be one major problem why many youths and fleeing from the state. I know quite a number of people here in Delhi that are very unlikely to come back to Manipur until and unless they hear about miraculous changes taking place in Manipur, no exaggeration included. Many are working at multinational companies, banks, call centers, restaurants, schools, colleges, hospitals and many other private companies that pay them very well. They easily earn 20, 30, 40, 50, 60 thousands here in Delhi. I know the same is the case in other big cities like Bangalore, Mumbai, Calcutta and many other states. So many thousands of sincere and hardworking Manipuris are studying and working in strange places among strange people all because they don’t have similar opportunities in their land of birth.

Talking about employment opportunities and good payment in Delhi, I know one thing personally about the difference of pay conditions prevailing in Manipur and in Delhi. In Manipur, 6th pay commission has just recently been implemented, in Delhi it has been there since the very introduction of the commission. A friend of mine in Delhi once smilingly told me, the 7th pay commission is likely to be introduced soon. In Manipur, I had once been a guest lecturer at a government college some years ago. I was told that I would be paid Rs. 8000 per month; I was very delighted, I left home during the weekdays and stayed near the college that was about 50kms away from home; the college paid me only 3-5 thousand rupees per month from the college fund. The government never sanctioned the full amount. There was indefinite delay and the fund either lapsed or got lost in the process. Only God knows what went wrong. Eventually, I discontinued going to that college because I knew that I could not survive with Rs.3000 per month. Another joke of the situation was that I started visiting chak hotels regularly at the bus parking and the bus fare very often reached Rs.100 because of the frequent bandhs that compelled the buses to make detours. So, consequently, I started incurring deficits that led me to the decision that I should give up being a government guest lecturer. The glaring contrast that I find here in Delhi is that the guest lecturers (I am not one) here are presently enjoying a monthly pay of Rs. 25000 (twenty five thousand).

I actually don’t have proper idea exactly how much the guest lecturers of Manipur University (a Central University) are being presently paid. My point is that the big difference of employment opportunities and pay seem to be important factors driving away so many hard working young people from our land to faraway cities. As for myself, at the moment, I presently don’t intend to remain permanently in Delhi although the prospect of getting a permanent well-paid job is very bright here. But I know many Manipuri friends in Delhi who are so happy with their jobs and pay and feel very much at home in the capital city. Apparently, they don’t intend to return to their native land at least in the near future.

Another factor that attracts so many youth from our state to the big cities, particularly, Delhi is the availability of so many facilities- coaching centers, excellent books, regular electricity etc that facilitates them so much in achieving their dreams and goals. A brilliant youth who last year got the coveted IAS post has been persuading me to work permanently in Delhi. He tells me, “If you stay here at least one year, you will know how much life is better here in Delhi; people who are acquainted with Delhi, never want to go away from it.” What he says is definitely true. Undeniably, there are so many opportunities in Delhi and other cities and states. Despite the so many hurdles and discriminations, Manipuri youth continue to flock to other states and cities of India- all because they want to live a financially independent and carefree life that is not available in Manipur.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/05/why-many-youth-are-leaving-their-place-of-birthmanipur/

Two Deaths and a Lie

By Y. Jajo Two recent incidents, one within the state and the other outside the… more »

By Y. Jajo
Two recent incidents, one within the state and the other outside the state, have captivated the readers of the local dailies in Manipur, including myself.

  • The first is the rape and the brutal murder of Kumari Premila, a middle aged lady; and the second is the ‘mysterious’ death of Loitam Richard, a young student of architecture. The first incident occurred in a little known location somewhere in the remote corner of the state (Kakching, Manipur)
  • The second incident occurred in the technological capital city of the country – Bangalore.
Why is the inhumane, brutal and gruesome nature of her murder not advocated and given equal space like Loitam Richard’s?

 

Both are death and gone. May their souls rests in eternal peace.

What is interesting, and also of significance, to note is not the death per se of the two individuals mentioned above but the way the living respond to the deaths which reflect the deeply rooted structures of inequality in the society.

Shortly after the death of Loitam Richard, ‘Justice for Loitam Richard’.facebook.com, came into being.

The newspapers reported that 190,000 people registered immediately thereafter and the number was rising.

Candle lights vigils, sit-in protests, marches, condemnations etc. against the ‘mysterious’ death of Loitam Richard and for speedy delivery of justice were organized and continues to be organized across the country. Apparently, the nation in general, and the ‘northeasterners’ in particular, have suddenly woken up to brute injustice, or so it seems, through Loitam Richard’s ‘mysterious’ death.

Every day the front pages of all the leading local newspaper in Manipur carry big headlines and pictures of ‘Justice for Loitam Richard’. In it one see the faces of the young and the old, the foolish-looking and not-so-foolish looking, the enchanted and disenchanted, some seen herding them, all coming together demanding justice for Loitam Richard. Eulogy floods the limited editorial space of these dailies.

One of the intellectuals of the state wrote in a local daily:

‘He definitely must be a boy who had Manipur in his mind and heart so closely that even his death has played such a wonderful role to shake up the Indian psyche as never before’.

I have not had the opportunity to log in or browse the net for some time now. I am sure the traffic would be heavier there.

Forget dying, Loitam Richard would never have thought of becoming a martyr either as he is made out to be by the media. To conjecture and attribute so much after the person is no more reeks of something dubious; something more than just the ‘mysterious’ death. By the way, where is Kumari Premila all this while? Wasn’t her corpse charred beyond recognition – like an overdone barbecue – and head-less when it was found by the police?

Why is the inhumane, brutal and gruesome nature of her murder not advocated and given equal space like Loitam Richard’s?

If brutality or gruesome-ness is the yardstick for visibility, I guess Premila has an edge over Richard. But then, when this is not so, one is tempted to asked could it be the gender of the victim, the location of the death or is it a reflection of the wider socio-economic and cultural divide that marks the contemporary neo-liberal capitalist society largely driven by a patriarchal ideology – ‘Loitam’s Law’

(See Imphal Free Press, 6/5/2012, Editorial page, Manipur’s Time: Our Turn to Catch)?

That Loitam Richard died very young is sad. Moreover, the deliberate attempt to hush up the cause of the death by certain interested parties is condemnable. Justice must be delivered.  Yes, justice must be delivered to Loitam Richard not because of his gender, youth, or being a ‘northeasterner’; justice has to be given because injustice has been committed. A murder is murder. The on-going attempt by many individuals and groups to harp on the attention generated by the media over the death of Loitam Richard to the calculated silence on Kumari Premila’s murder or the gang-rape of Mrs. Janthailiu Kamei that happened in our own backyard by our own people is very disturbing? Isn’t it said that charity begins at home? Are we saying that justice must be equated to the capacity to generate a higher level of decibel? How is one death different from another death when death is the scale? The calculated silence and apathetic approach to the increasing crime against women in the state by the media and the concerned agencies of the state speaks volume about the cockeyed notion of justice permeating our society.

For instance, in the gang-rape of Mrs. Janthailiu Kamei, where the perpetrators of the crime includes members of the state machinery, the response of the media and the public is still less than venerable. Moreover, beneath the apparent coming together of some civil society based groups condemning the gang-rape and the call for awarding befitting punishment to the culprits, the divide based on elemental forces like gender, ethnicity and minority-majority seems to underline the fellowship. Interestingly, the way it is represented in the prints appears so shabby and incoherent that it generally escapes the eyes of the serious readers

(See Letter to the Editor, Hueiyen Lanpao, Dated 7/5/2012

“ On Gang rape of Jangthailu and brutal killing of Premila). Silly writing mistakes, avoidable errors, unconnected sentences etc. all go into giving an impression that either the campaigners are not as smart or the media just don’t care. Therefore, the public need not bother.

With due reverence to the departed souls and condolences to the bereaved families, I would like to strongly contend here that what is being played out in the media today is disturbing for the reason that inequality in the society is being perpetuated in the ways we respond to the issues happening around us.

Issues like ‘us’ versus ‘them’, men versus women, the ‘haves’ versus the ‘have-nots’ etc. continually gets reflected in our responses as we fail to note the embedded-ness of the existing inequalities and the hegemony of the state and the media dictated means of responses.

it is time the media savvy-based- canvassing steps aside for a more justifiable channel and forms of protest for ensuring justice for all transcending the gender, regional and economic divide

One needs to be conscious of the means and ways of responding to the issues confronting us ensuring that our responses do not perpetuate the ills that plagued our society. One need to remember that media and the urge to be in the limelight has become strange bed-fellows in this time and age.

 

I guess it is time the media savvy-based- canvassing steps aside for a more justifiable channel and forms of protest for ensuring justice for all transcending the gender, regional and economic divide. The media needs to represent issues in a more democratic manner and shed its penchant for selective amnesia.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/05/two-deaths-and-a-lie/

Beyond the Congress Magic Victory

By Dr. Malem Ningthouja The 10th Assembly Election in Manipur (India) was conducted on 28… more »

By Dr. Malem Ningthouja
The 10th Assembly Election in Manipur (India) was conducted on 28 January followed by re-poll in 34 polling stations on 4 February and in 67 polling stations on 4 and 5 March. It was conducted under the guard of the reported additional 350 companies of paramilitary forces comprising the CRPF, BSF, ITBP, SSB, Assam Rifles, Orissa Police, RPF, Bihar police, Andhra Pradesh Police, Mizoram Police, Tripura Police, Jharkhand Police, and CISF, i.e., similar to technical democratic exercise mechanically held once in five years under a siege situation.

Among seventeen political parties and independent that had fielded 279 candidates (fifteen women) to contest for 60 assembly seats, Indian National Congress much above expectations had achieved a ‘magic’ victory by securing 42 seats. It had entered into a recorded 14th term to form government (at times leading coalition governments) since 1967, and O. Ibobi had sworn in as Chief Minister of Manipur for the 3rd consecutive term. In order to neutralize power struggle within the party, an arrangement resembling Colonial Democracy parallel to Morley- Minto Reforms 1909, Montague Chelmsford Reforms 1919 and Communal Award 1932 has been implemented by distributing certain ministerial portfolios along communal lines, e.g., minority (sic Manipuri Muslims), Kuki, and Naga. The INTC is leading the opposition flank.

Background of Victory

The magic victory of INC came off despite multiple challenges such as: anti-congress alliance christened as People`s Democratic Front constituted by MPP, NCP, JD (U), RJD and CPI (M); anti-congress alliance between MPP and BJP, and campaign by other parties; ban imposed on INC by Co-ordination Committee (CorCom) of seven underground militant parties;  and Naga People’s Front campaign against INC.

There were various interplaying factors that contributed to the INC victory. Firstly, a large section of voters were mesmerised by an illusion that Central grants was the only option for economic survival. The assumption was that the Central government and Manipur were bound by paternalistic relationship; which articulated reciprocity between citizens (sic children) and reward by the Central government (sic father) in the form of grants. Such dependent psychology was favourable to INC that enjoyed power at the Centre.

Secondly, on the eve of election INC had enjoyed ruling power for two consecutive, i.e., the period of finance investment in Look East Policy, construction of dams, roadways, office buildings, market complex, etc. Normally 8 to 15 % out of the total amount of project fund was misappropriated by commission network wherein the political barons, construction companies, bureaucrats, contractors and project dealers were major stakeholders. In such situation INC candidates had an upper hand in the electoral politics to retain legislative cum economic power.

Thirdly, opposition parties that had refrained from ideological fight or offering prospective vision were weak. People suspect that they were easily bribed to remain mute spectator to the moribund rulers both in the assembly and outside. There were defections of important leaders to INC during election time. In the longue durée the opposition parties, therefore, lacked credibility, charismatic leaders, and public support. Most of them were badly defeated.

Fourthly, in ten years tenure as CM, Ibobi had expanded mass base in his Assembly Constituency through his agents in construction works, job recruitment, and alliance with various organisations. His relatives, including his wife, carried out electoral politics in Thoubal and Imphal Districts. In the last election he allegedly supported some non-INC candidates to defeat rival congressmen so as to retain uncontested power position in the Assembly. He enjoyed the trust of INC leader Sonia Gandhi. His achievement contributed in a big way to the overall victory of INC.

Beyond the Technical Victory

Although the election was successfully conducted, there were phenomena that contested the very notion of free and fare election. Firstly, there was official discrepancy on matters relating to assessment of the property of candidates. For instance, one could hardly believe that “Chief Minister O Ibobi Singh, who is eyeing a hat-trick in the upcoming election to the 10th Manipur Legislative Assembly as a candidate … has entered the fray with just Rs 50,000 in hand.” The accountability of the procedure of vigilance, seriousness of the modus operandi and sincerity of the vigilance officials were being questioned.

Secondly, evasive tactics to conceal from official surveillance was very common. Election campaigns, feasts and drinks, distribution of ‘vote money’ and etc. that involved huge money and muscle power were carried out during nights to avoid detection. In some instances deliberately withheld old age pension books or construction works were released on the eve of the election to attract the beneficiaries to vote in favour of a particular candidate. On the polling day purchasing of what was termed ‘flying vote’ at the price normally fixed above 2000 Rs per vote was very common.

Thirdly, gun culture flourished. No follow up action was ever heard about the reported 227 FIRs registered by police against defaulters who had failed to deposit licensed guns. Both licensed guns and illegal arms were widely used during election campaigns without any restrictions. On the other hand several rival political workers were falsely implicated on the charges of having connection with ‘outlawed’ militant organisations. Or many were forced upon to support a candidate on the pretext of protection from supposedly false implication by police. Gun and money power were interplaying.

Fourthly, vandalism, booth capturing, rigging, double enrolment, impersonation, casting of vote against the names of deceased persons, out-station voters, etc were reported. Anomalies and discrepancies on the part of polling officials had created obstacles while maintaining transparency and accountability. Photographs of several thousand voters could not be taken due to darkness inside polling booths and lack of expertise on the part of the polling officials to handle cameras. Photo comparison had detected mismatch of the photograph of several voters and the photos on the electoral list against their names. In addition to this, cases of poor quality of photographs taken and a single person pressing the button of EVM several times had come to light. Election related violence occurred despite heavy deployment of government forces.

Assessing Communal Politics

Several analysts were serious into thinking if the entry of NPF into electoral politics in Manipur would lead to exasperation of community co-existence and polarisation. The NPF, which had published the agenda to unite Naga communities under an administrative region, had opposed proposed creation of Sadar Hills District on the ground that it was Kuki community agenda, termed the ruling SPF government as communal representing the interest of Meetei community, and articulated that Naga and other communities must live under different administrative arrangements. However, the Nagas were not united on the electoral politics. Despite intensive campaign and alleged NSCN-IM involvement NPF could win only four seats in the sixteen ACs in the Naga dominated areas.

Contradictory to the presumption that NPF electoral politics would disintegrate Manipur, community based political party innings in electoral politics had been a long experience in Manipur. In 1974 Manipur Hills Union won twelve seats in 16 ACs and Kuki National Assembly won two seats in six ACs. MHU formed UDF government. In 1980 KNA contested election in seven ACs and won two seats. In 1984 KNA contested election in four ACs and won one seat. In 1990 KNA contested election in eight ACs and won two seats. A new party christened as Manipur Hill Peoples Council contested election in ten ACs but lost completely. In 1995 KNA and MHPC lost completely respectively in six and one ACs. KNA lost completely again in 2000. In 2002 and 2007 a new party christened as Naga National Party contested election in five and one ACs but lost completely.

NPF may come and go. Moreover, the question of territorial integrity or disintegration is an open issue which had been interplaying with various other important issues for quite long time. There is the need for common platform to develop mutual understanding, discussion and debates to adopt commonly acceptable policies. The State assembly had to be seen as an important platform. NPF or any organised party must be encouraged to enter into it. It would make electoral democracy meaningful as well.

Severe Blows to Stakeholders

INC victory was a severe blow to several organised bodies that had lobbied against INC on several burning issues viz., economic crisis, unemployment, job security, forced labour by the State, territorial integrity, immigration, destructive capitalist projects, state terrorism and AFSPA, Protected Area Permit, Inner Line Permit, electricity and water, highway protection, corruption and many others. Among the insurgent organisations the CorCom was badly defeated.

CorCom’s anti-INC stand had raised many questions:

1. CorCom was formed probably in July 2011 as a collective platform of seven underground organisations. Many suspected a direct or indirect collusion of INC with CorCom. Was the target against INC a tactical political bargaining based on the presumption that INC would definitely come to power? Was it a staged managed tactics aimed at reducing election expenditure of INC on the one hand and on the other hand to win public sympathy for congress?

2. The ban on INC suggested for indirect support to other parties, which further suggested CorCom’s electoral politics despite denial of playing a role. In that sense wasn’t United National Liberation Front’s critical remark on the election and Revolutionary People’s Front’s appeal to refrain from ensuring election appeared self-contradictory and dubious political principles?

3. There were rumours about congress candidates attempting monetary negotiation with CorCom. Apparently the negotiation seemed to have failed due to either internal differences within CorCom or inability to arrive at mutually acceptable term between INC and CorCom. However, since the target of attacks appeared to be selective, the probability of negotiation at the individual capacity could not be ruled out. People suspected bribery and favouritism by CorCom.

4. The list of 2670 congress workers and selective militant attack had created fear and hatred among INC workers. Comparative silence maintained by ‘mass fronts’ on CorCom’s bomb attacks and killing eroded legitimacy of the former and derailed neutrality / consistency in the collective struggle for civil liberties. The magic victory of INC, therefore, created an apparent severe blow to CorCom. The risk taken up by CorCom was proven suicidal and self-defeating in the long run.

Conclusion

During election larger sections of the voters were primarily motivated by immediate material agenda in terms of ‘vote money’ or donation and personal allegiance to candidate rather than political principle of any party. Their subjective condition might have been shaped by bourgeoisie political consciousness and other reactionary and sectarian types. Several relations shivered at various levels in the neighbourhoods, among denizens of the same locality, co-existing communities, and collectives continues to be strained.

However promises made during election campaigns and agenda mentioned in all the manifestoes, and issues raised by local clubs, sectoral workers, and civil society organisations are still relevant to the people. Most of the families are confronting individual hardships against systematic decline of economic livelihood, terrorism, and suspension of democratic rights. People’s expectations and aspirations for a better change are continuously growing. Will the elected representatives continue to act upon the cracks and divisions to further divide opinion among the common people and weaken the civil democratic forces? Will the opposition parties fight tooth and nail for the cause of the underprivileged sections? Should the voters wait for the next general election to extract ‘Vote Money’ or should they be guided by progressive ideology towards organised struggle for collective development, peace and democracy? Aren’t we in Manipur expecting a clear ideological stand and firmed political commitment of a PARTY instead of hoodwinking us by deceptive sentiment and organised adventurism in the name of freedom and democracy that merely perpetuate sectarianism and subjugation!

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/05/beyond-the-congress-magic-victory/

The Relations: Time to Rethink and Act

  By Rajkumar Bobichand Racial profiling and discrimination is something not always reflected in the… more »

 

By Rajkumar Bobichand
Racial profiling and discrimination is something not always reflected in the statute and other documents of the powers that control peoples who belong to different races. But it is an experience of the people who are discriminated. It is the reflection of relationships between the people who are in powers or more powerful and the people upon whom the power is being exercised.

We know that racial profiling is a form of racism, like, consisting of the policy of policemen who stop and search vehicles driven by persons belonging to particular racial groups vis-à-vis racial discrimination is a discriminatory or abusive behaviour of members of a race towards members of another race.

The issue of racial profiling and discrimination of students and people from Manipur in particular and the Northeast in general has reached its India-wide attention of both media and the powers that be in New Delhi after the all-out protests over the beating of a Manipuri student in Bangalore to death and the death of a girl student from Meghalaya who was studying MBA at Amity University.

There have been a number of reports about the mass exodus of students seeking higher studies and educated youth from the region primarily because of unemployment had been repeatedly hounded in the metropolitan cities and other places in mainland India. A number of students return with experiences of racial profiling and discrimination. Hundreds of rape cases involving Northeast girls are happening on a regular basis right on his doorstep at New Delhi. How the people of Mainland India look towards the people from the Northeast who looks a bit oriental or Southeast Asian is well known to them and the people from the Northeast have been experiencing it for many years. It is well known that they call the people from the Northeast as Chinkee because the Northeast is racially, culturally, linguistically, historically and physically very distinct from the mainland India. In their mindset people from the Northeast is not considered as Indian as there has not been an established oneness between the people of the Northeast and the rest of India. And always look down upon the people of the Northeast.

This is once again confirmed from what the Home Minister of India said, in a reply to Mr Arun Jaitly’s call attention of the Home Minister towards the racial profiling and discrimination against the students of Northeast who go to different parts of India, that the centre accorded highest importance to the development of the Northeastern region as well as prevention of atrocities against the Scheduled Tribes as if all the peoples of the Northeast are all tribes.  As India’s Rural Minister, Ms Agatha Sangma who hails from the Northeast said that South India is very different from North India, but no south Indian in Delhi would be made to feel he does not look Indian, we cannot observe such obvious attitude and behaviour of the people of north India towards south Indians. There was an order or guidelines from Delhi police particularly for the people from the Northeast how to dress and behave in New Delhi to avoid molestation, rape and other atrocities towards the people of Northeast. If these are not racial profiling and discrimination, what is it?

The perpetrators will always say that there is no any racial profiling and discrimination. Racial profiling and discrimination is to treat differently a person or group of people based on their racial origins. Power is a necessary precondition, for it depends on the ability to give or withhold social benefits, facilities, services, opportunities etc., from someone who should be entitled to them, and are denied on the basis of race, colour or national origin.

The racial profiling and discrimination is about the mindset of the people who are in power over the other race. The attitude of racial profiling and discrimination turns out as their behaviour, thereby raping and killing of the innocent girls and young women from the Northeast. They insult the people from the Northeast openly in public places in most parts and major cities of India. These are embedded in the relationship of the two distinct groups of people. How many times, how many innocent students from the Northeast will continue to die in the hands of the people in India’s major cities including metropolitans? How many innocent girls and young women who are studying and working outside the Northeast continue to be victims of rape by the people from mainland India? How long will the students and people of this part of the globe continue to protest and demand justice. This is the time to rethink about the relations between the people of the Northeast and the mainland India and act accordingly so that the people of the Northeast can live with dignity.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/05/the-relations-time-to-rethink-and-act/

Manipur`s Time: Our turn to catch

By Amar Yumnam Time is of the essence. This is more so in in the… more »

By Amar Yumnam
Time is of the essence. This is more so in in the case of development trajectory of a society. A society does not enjoy opportunities (economists call them shocks) all the time and in every phase. These do not come plenty but only rarely do they present themselves. In most of the instances, they present themselves in a very covert way, and the people really have to work hard to explore the shocks and use them for societal progression. Sometimes, absolutely sometimes, they do come in a very open framework. The fact of development, however, remains that the shocks themselves do not cause it; it is only conversions of the shocks into real phenomena for advancement that would lead to development of land and people.  It is here that self becomes much more significant than others in pushing ahead in the race for transformation. I feel strongly that Manipur is now standing at that very moment of shock which we could convert into an opportunity for moving forward.

The Shocks:

I have two shocks in mind as very critical to Manipur’s moment of history.

One is the unfortunate death of Richard Loitam. Though he is no more with us, the fall-out of his death has certainly caused a shock which could serve the cause of Manipur in a very lasting way. He definitely must be a boy who had Manipur in his mind and heart so closely that even his death has played such a wonderful role to shake up the Indian psyche as never before. The moves of the people of Manipur from all over have helped in making the shock of his death to bring Manipur to centre of Indian attention.  Vir Sanghvi writes in the Hindustan Times thus: “The days when north-easterners were seen as foreigners or as exotic people are now over. In many sectors – hospitality, beauty, etc. – north-easterners are the employees of choice. Ask any beauty salon who it would hire, all other things being equal, between an Andhraite and a Manipuri, and the chances are that nine times out of ten, the Manipuri will be preferred. So it is with restaurants and airlines. Most employers will take someone from the north-east over somebody from, say, Bihar.” The death of our boy has even caused addition of a phrase in the Indian lexicon of social concepts. Indrajit Hazra has coined a term called Loitam’s Law, following the surname of Richard: “So, if you`re unlucky enough to be a victim of murder, violence, rape or general thievery, ensure that you`re well-to-do. If you can`t be well-to-do, try and be visible enough for the mainstream polity and media to ensure you get attention. That`s Loitam`s Law.” Hazra continues: “The truth is that the law is like a busted radiator that sometimes works, sometimes doesn`t. But it also specifically comes in the way or turns its back with certain `kinds` of people…….The fact that the authorities initially suspected death caused by drug overdose was one sign that regional-racial stereotypes were at play. `North-east boys take drugs; North-eastern girls are loose,` is a standard `Indian` trope. The initial autopsy found no traces of any drug in Richard`s bloodstream except for small doses of the painkiller he had been prescribed after his accident……The truth is that the law is like a busted radiator that sometimes works, sometimes doesn`t. But it also specifically comes in the way or turns its back with certain `kinds` of people….The case of Richard Loitam is the story of a bias embedded in an existing creaky law enforcement structure. Richard may have indeed died because of injuries received by his scooter accident. He may have succumbed to injuries after a hostel brawl. But the inaction of the authorities point to something else: the lack of importance given by them to certain `types` of people. Law-enforcers pre-suppose certain traits about the victims – whether it`s regarding Aarushi Talwar`s `character` or Hemraj`s `background` or Richard Loitam`s `ethnicity`.” Any death has not caused the purpose of causing social rethink among the Indians like the lost of life of our boy in Bangalore. It is so wonderful of Richard that his leaving this world has also served the cause of putting Manipur in the centre of Indian attention; he has shaken right from the microfoundations to the macro structure. But the moment is for us to catch for causing long term policies to emerge for our land to move ahead faster.

The second shock I have in mind is of the global changes around us. It was only in October 2010 that the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) brought forward their Comprehensive Asia Development Plan wherein they had defined East Asia as including South Asia as well. In this document, they had identified projects for further enhancing the development of East Asia for regions even in Southern India. It was in the middle of 2011 that the core experts who had prepared the plan were here in Imphal for discussions on the missing component of their plan. We did have a thorough discussion on the core development issues of Manipur in particular and North East in general. Now the ASEAN has come out with a second component of the Comprehensive Asia Development Plan by incorporating the projects for linking Manipur and North East in the whole connectivity framework. One of the key experts was here recently along with other experts from the neighbouring South East Asian nations. We did have long discussions on further strategies for taking Manipur along in the development designs of South East and East Asia. Now it is pretty clear that the countries in the South East and East Asia are pushing hard for their global agenda, whether India and Manipur prepare for it or not.

 

One of the Justice for Richard Loitam, Protest Rally Held at Chennai which is held over the various parts of the globe.

Catch the Moment:

The above two shocks have thrown up a moment for Manipur to catch and catch for causing a sustainable development happen. The globalisation and development plans of the South East and East Asian nations are going to touch us. We cannot afford to be just plain spectators unless we are prepared to perish as society and community. The emerging connectivity frameworks and comprehensive development plans need to be supplemented by our own connectivity framework and comprehensive development plans in order that we have genuine development happening here. It is exactly at this moment that we should utilise the shock of Richard Loitam serve the ultimate cause of development plans for the land and people here to emerge. The government of Manipur should now push for evolving a comprehensive development plan and ensure that proper funding is affected for these. The moment is for the people and government to catch and move beyond the mind-set of petty contractors.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/05/manipurs-time-our-turn-to-catch/

Declining Values, Troubled Times

By B.G. Verghese The country faces troubled times. To gether with signs of economic downturn,… more »

By B.G. Verghese
The country faces troubled times. To gether with signs of economic downturn, the ghost of Bofors is back to haunt us. Chitra Subramaniam’s interview with Sten Lindstrom, chief of Swedish Police who investigated the Bofors gun deal, contains noting new except for the revelation that Lindstrom was her “Deep Throat” and obviously a highly credible source. By his telling, while there was nothing to suggest any criminal involvement on the part of Rajiv Gandhi, there was conclusive evidence of Occtavio Quatrrochhi’s hand in the till. Yet the Indian Government undertook a sustained cover up operation, hampered and even discouraged investigations and indeed enabled Quatrrochhi to get away scot free, closing the case against him.

Quatrrochhi was an Italian businessman who represented the giant Italian chemical-cum-engineering multinational Snam Progetti in India for nearly 30 years from 1964. He had a close family friendship with Rajiv and Sonia Gandhi and thereby enjoyed a political access that enabled him to win an amazing succession of fertiliser and chemical contracts for his company, including the controversial Thal Vaishet project that rocked Parliament in Indira Gandhi’s time. 

As Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi banned middlemen in defence deals. This unwise action merely drove them underground and made them brazen enough insidiously to enter privileged corridors of power as happened in Tehelka’s “Westend” sting operation and, more recently, when the Army Chief said he was offered a Rs 14 crore bribe in his office in the Defence Ministry in order to facilitate a truck deal. However, in the circumstances, Bofors severed relations with Win Chaddha and the Hindujas who were paid “winding up” charges for services rendered. But it was advised to seek a suitable substitute and, having surveyed the scene, finally picked on Quattrochhi whose competence was not in the arms market but possessed political influence.

Martin Ardbo, Bofors’ managing director, who visited India, was later to write in his diary that he was not so worried about the money trail leading to “N” as to “Q” and “R”. Quatrrochhi was allowed and assisted to get away and “N”, an influential figure for a while in Rajiv Gandhi’s cabinet, was not investigated. Chitra Subramaniam’s latest story reminds the country that the Bofors matter needs to be probed.

In January 1987, a few months before the Bofors bubble burst, the German government formally informed the Indian Embassy in Bonn that an Indian agent had been paid a seven per cent commission for facilitating an HDW submarine contract. The Indian Ambassador communicated this back to Delhi and his telegram landed on the desk of the new Defence Minister V.P. Singh who had just relieved Rajiv Gandhi of this portfolio on being transferred out of the Finance Ministry. V.P Singh mentioned the cable to the PM and went on to order a departmental inquiry. There was a ruckus in Parliament following which Rajiv queried VP who, feeling he was being put in the dock, resigned.  That matter too remains unresolved.

The Tehelka scam was even more brazen. The BJP President, Bangaru Laxam, was caught on camera stuffing bundles of currency notes totalling Rs 1akh into his drawer in the Party office. He was frank enough to say that parties had to collect money. But he was disowned by his party, resigned and has now been sentenced to four years’ imprisonment by a trial court in Delhi. Instead of inquiring into the entire Tehelka saga, the NDA government shot the messenger. It destroyed Tehelka which, however, has risen again like an avenging angel. 

The Tehelka and Bofors matters cannot be allowed to rest. Instead of being swept under the carpet, both need to be independently probed by an empowered committee which could report within three or four months.  Simultaneously, a decision should be taken to license and register middlemen and subject them to close scrutiny instead of allowing unregistered agents a free run to corrupt the system. 

In the midst of this all, President Pratibha Patil, soon to relinquish office, properly decided to return the Defence land she had selected in Pune on which to build her retirement home. She will surely be made comfortable elsewhere, as befits a former President. But she was ill-advised to grant a newspaper interview in which she stated that the on-going civil-military stand-off  “should not have happened” and could have been handled “in a disciplined manner”. This is wise counsel but could have been offered privately to the actors concerned in view of the delicacy of the issues involved. As Supreme Commander, the President could have summoned both the Army Chief and Defence Minister and advised them to resolve the issue appropriately. Instead, there has been a raucous public wrangle, sides have been taken, conspiracies alleged and a communal PIL filed against the in-coming Army Chief that was fortunately promptly dismissed by the Supreme Court. However, an unseemly court battle continues between the Army Chief and the former head of the Defence Intelligence Agency that shows none in a good light.

All this was avoidable. The Defence Minister and Army Chief have mishandled matters and the Government has been supine. The President has in her interview said that her successor must possess “mental poise and presence of mind” to confront the “trying circumstances” that lie ahead. Maybe, she could have used her powers under Article 86 to address both Houses of Parliament on her civil-military concerns or sent a message to the two Houses to consider such matters as specified by her. Such powers have not yet been employed but are there for just such contingencies. 

Meanwhile, the process of searching for a suitable Presidential candidate has commenced. That person should have the attributes the Rashtrapati mentioned in addition to wisdom, wide experience, integrity and equanimity. There is no reason necessarily to look for somebody from this region or that community or for the candidate to be non-political. The Rashtrapati, once elected must be non-partisan, and represent the nation rather than any party or interest group. Wide consultation and a consensus would be best.

Broadly similar considerations should apply to nominations to the Rajya Sabha. Sachin Tendulkar is surely a great sporting icon deserving of the highest Arjuna Award. But should people be canvassing for a Bharat Ratna for him or else a seat in Parliament? If he has chosen not to retire, should he be plucked from the cricket field? Parliament might consider appointing “goodwill ambassadors” for India as UNESCO and other UN bodies do. But does the Indian Parliament need a brand ambassador ?  Surely not. Parliament represents “We, the People”, not a soft drink. Some nominated members in the past have not spoken single word during their entire term.  Why then nominate ornamental figures and defeat the purpose of nominating a class of MPs. Never choose between bread and a circus.   
www.bgvderghese.com 

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/05/declining-values-troubled-times/

Dreams of distant Mandalay

By Nirmal Ghosh Part of my childhood was spent in New Delhi; in the evenings… more »

By Nirmal Ghosh
Part of my childhood was spent in New Delhi; in the evenings I would be taken to the sprawling manicured grounds of the huge tomb of the Mughal emperor Humayun, now a World Heritage monument and one of the loveliest walks in the city, alive with peacocks calling plaintively on still late summer evenings.

Today, when I return to Delhi I go for walks in the Lodi Gardens, a huge park which houses a series of mausoleums and a big ancient mosque. In the mausoleums are the graves of the Pashtun kings of the Lodi dynasty who ruled Delhi from 1451 to 1526, before the Mughals arrived from Central Asia.

The wind blows through the big stone buildings. When you step into them the domed ceilings act like sound chambers; a pigeon cooing unseen high in the darkened roof fills it with sound.

Lord Curzon, Viceroy of India from 1899 to 1905, then called Delhi a city of `dreary and disconsolate tombs.` The capital, so often sacked and burned, was remade and rose yet again, but indeed the history of the city can still be told in its mausoleums and memorials.

But there is one that is missing.

In a ruthless political maneuver, the British colonial rulers in 1858, deposed the last Mughal emperor of India, Bahadur Shah Zafar and exiled him to Yangon where he died five years later on Nov 7, 1862.

The British in 1858, deposed the last Mughal emperor of India, Bahadur Shah Zafar and exiled him to Yangon where he died five years later on Nov 7, 1862.

His grave quite near the Shwedagon pagoda, is today a Sufi shrine. It is well maintained, and leaders of Pakistan, India and Bangladesh have visited it. Inside are some old photographs of the deposed King; in one he is a gaunt figure, smoking a hookah pipe, as if waiting for the end. There is also a photograph of his calligraphy laced with loneliness.

The grave of Bahadur Shah Zafar. It is well maintained, and leaders of Pakistan, India and Bangladesh have visited it. Inside are some old photographs of the deposed King.

I am lonely in the city, barren and dead

But who has prospered in a transitory world..

A long life I besought, these few days

Half spent in longing, half awaiting

Life comes to an end, dusk approaches

In peace I will sleep, sheltered by the grave

Zafar the wretched in his death was denied

A few feet of earth in the beloved’s street

Neither light for eyes nor solace for heart

Of use for none, I am fistful of dust..

But Bahadur Shah Zafar is at least remembered even in a quiet way 150 years later. Every evening, in the well-kept memorial opposite a small urban park and pond, local devotees gather for Sufi chants, the place echoing with the ancient sound.

Almost nobody ever visits Thibaw’s small mausoleum, about 1km from the mansion where he lived in Ratnagiri, in western India, far from his beloved Mandalay.

Thibaw was the last King of Burma, also exiled to the furthest place the British could think of at the time.

The deposing and exile of their king in November 1885 was seen as the ultimate humiliation by people in Mandalay, possibly much more so than that of Bahadur Shah Zafar, whose empire was already on its last legs and barely extended beyond the borders of Delhi.

There are numerous accounts of how the British loaded Thibaw, his Queen and their retinue onto bullock carts in Mandalay, and marched them off surrounded by British troops, as local people helplessly wept.

`British policy was to uproot the monarchy entirely and ensure that the clan of Alaungpaya would never again be a political force in Burma,` wrote historian Thant Myint U in his book, The River of Lost Footsteps.

`Dozens were sent far to the south, to Tavoy and Moulmein, and dozens of others were forced to go to India, where they were scattered in different towns and cities.`

Many of the descendants of the royals – both the Burmese and the Mughals – later were reduced to poverty.

Today, Thibaw`s small mausoleum lies in the midst of shabby housing blocks. Beside it is the grave of Queen Supayagale – Thibaw’s second wife. Thanks to some repairs in 1994 by India`s government, there is at least a low wall around them today; before that squatters would dry their laundry on the graves of the last King and Queen of Burma.

Today, Thibaw’s small mausoleum lies in the midst of shabby housing blocks. Beside it is the grave of Queen Supayagale – Thibaw’s second queen.

Ratnagiri was a tiny place then, with a population of 16,000. Ice would be delivered to the mansion where Thibaw and his family lived, from Mumbai – once a week. Even today it is a small place, with a population of 116,000. A rail link to Mumbai was only built in 1996.

But in Yangon, one man refuses to forget.

U Soe Win, 64, recently retired from director general at Myanmar’s ministry of foreign affairs, is now in charge of the country’s football federation’s international affairs. He is also the great grandson of King Thibaw.

U Soe Win, 64, the great grandson of King Thibaw.

`My great grandfather’s case is a miserable and tragic story. I feel sorry for his descendants,` he told me.

U Soe Win has been waging an often lonely battle to get the remains of Thibaw back to Myanmar – and Mandalay.

The return of the remains would correct a curious anomaly, a shadow of the two countries` shared colonial past. It would also be a poignant moment for Myanmar, and especially Mandalay, the seat of the old kingdom.

U Soe Win and other members of his family visited the graves in 1993, and performed some religious ceremonies there.

Thibaw died in 1916, age 56. Queen Supayalat was allowed to return to Burma in 1919, and died there. The `little princess` Hteik Supayagale who was also Thibaw`s wife, stayed in India and died a few years later and was interred next to Thibaw.

A nationalist movement in Myanmar – then Burma – to have the remains of the couple brought back to Mandalay, came up against British resistance. The British colonial rulers did not allow it for fear it would ignite Burmese nationalism and incite a rebellion.

After independence in 1948 there came another attempt to bring back the king`s remains. A committee was formed, and had Prime Minister U Nu’s support. But that effort also failed. The government was fragile at the time, embroiled in civil war, and the country still hurting from the assassination in 1947 of independence hero general Aung San – National League for Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi`s father.

U Soe Win has written this month to both the Indian government and the Myanmar government to revive the effort. But he is still up against it.

The return of the remains would certainly trigger emotion especially in Mandalay. Myanmar has been through a lot since independence in 1948: decades of civil war and military dictatorship, ostracism and isolation. Today it is finally moving forward.

Amid this fragile transition, with Myanmar only just beginning to experience the rehabilitation of Aung San Suu Kyi and her father Aung San, whether the country wants to travel deeper back into the often bitter past now is questionable, explained a friend in Yangon.

As for the Indian government, an official asking not to be identified said: `We will be able to do something about it if the Myanmar government asks us. So far, they have not.`

He said in his personal opinion, the Indian government would have no reason to object to the repatriation of the remains. And he doubted that the Indian government was interested in the repatriation of Bahadur Shah Zafar.

U Soe Win sees a slender ray of hope in the imminent visit to Myanmar of India’s Prime Minister Manmohan Singh.

But speaking on the phone from Mumbai, Sudha Shah whose book The King in Exile: The Fall of the Royal Family of Burma – the product of seven years of research – is to be published this year, said: `Nobody except the family is giving this any priority.`

`Both countries have other, more overwhelming issues to deal with,` she said.

In Yangon, one man may still refuse to forget. But it is probably safe to say that in Ratnagiri, even in the dreary flats overlooking the graves, almost nobody dreams of distant Mandalay.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/05/dreams-of-distant-mandalay/

AR Jawan-symbol Of Perfect Nationalism And Harbinger Of Peace And Hope

By R S Jassal 1.    Sometime back I along with my wife was returning from… more »

By R S Jassal

1.    Sometime back I along with my wife was returning from Somsai (Ukhrul) after attending the Raising Day dinner, that on way back at Ramva, we decided to spend a few moments in the Gazebo so beautifully constructed by the Assam Rifles for rest and refreshments. The moment I entered Gazebo I was received with grin smile and salute “Ram Ram Sahib” and the Johnny vanished to bring water for us followed by refreshing tea. I glanced through the visitor book lying in one corner. I was struck with the recorded remarks by one visiting officer Col OP Beniwal (Retd) ……quote, “17 AR THE SUPREME”, as we all know has a very chequered history ………. But can’t help mentioning that the PBOR (Persons below officer rank) are simple hearted and authority reverent. They spontaneously call “Jai Hind” very proudly and do not utter a single word more unless spoken to further”………… unquote

2.    This ‘Jai Hind’ and remarks in the Visitors Book and the “Ram Ram” made me travel down the memory lanes rever-berating the ethos of my 34 years of long service with the force in various sectors of the North Eastern Region. I received many such greetings, days in and days out but I never gauged the depth of a soldier’s simple but well treasured wish then, as I did at this particular moment that day. Thanks to Col Beniwal’s pen. (Incidentally he happens to be the father of the present CO of the Bn).

3.    Getting over the nostalgic undercurrent emotions, I shook my head erect to realise how true the observation was, I was with this very Battalion in 1982-1983-1984.  It reminded me of the conduct of one memorable Long Range Patrol (LRP) with 17 AR boys when they were in Sikkim North which just reeled back. It was on Thangu to Tsa-La pass to Mungthang absolute high altitude and back to Pegong – the Bn HQ.  It was a special patrol consisting of all arms i.e. Infantry, Artillery, EME, ASC and Medical Corps with responsibility fell on me as Infantry officer to be the leader. We were provided full logistic support by way of employing local guides and ‘yaks’ to carry 50 men’s ration/tentages and woollens, which were otherwise not possible for men to carry on person. Thangu about 10000 feet above the sea level was start point and the distances to be covered were in short stretches though, but time consuming, as we were to go up to the top of the Tsa-La mountain, over high altitude rising up to 15500 feet then to go down the other side of the mountain into Tibetan territory to, go along a river bed and with up and down scaling down to lower altitude of 13000 ft to go to Mungthang southwards and back to Thangu. Since the abortive patrol of SIB (1959) the pass was understood to be closed for commutation so I was given an option by Commander 64 Mtn Bde to call off from any point if risk factors dictated so. We set on. After half an hour to 45 minutes marching, we started exasperating for breath. A Yak was offered to me I climbed on but straight comes my helper (Batman) urging me to avoid ride. He told ‘you go as slow as you wish, but if you ride even for 20-30 minutes your knees will feel jammed and it will be difficult for you to climb the last stretch after 2-3 days’. This stretch was mostly vertical covered with loose slipping stones covered with dwarf bushes and the yak was to take us only up to foothills as beyond that the yak also could not have climbed and had to be back with tentage etc, to join us on the other a
xis to receive us on the way back for carriage of our loads. It exactly happened so that after 10 minutes I started feeling my legs going motionless. So I climbed down and joined the walking party.

4.    On arrival at first halt, the boys started the administrative goodies of camping and I was given my readied bivouac followed by a hot cup of tea. While camping we saw a single extended line of snow deers, of about 30 in number over a wide spread of slipping boulders and stones caused by shooting avalanches 500-600 ft above us. The deers were looking down into our team with anxiety and their numerical strength kept on adding. After about 10 minutes while other preparations were on, I heard sound of a rifle shot of two rounds. I came out and saw three – four jawans on the skyline. It came to, that two of them were carrying enamel plates and no weapon and two others carried rifles. The fire did not achieve the target as their move was detected by the deers and the entire flock ran fast and disappeared in the high reaches beyond. Since I am basically not in favour of killing animals, but did not want to scold these soldiers, in their act for not being pre-consulted, I was more than happy that no animal was killed. I was explained that if any animal of this lot had got contact of the reflection of the enamel plate, it couldn’t have moved and the firer could have gone closer for a sure kill. I don’t know what was amiss in the event there other than that sun rays had set down behind aloft finger hill ranges. Then during night about three & four big stone like slated objects fall (rolling down) quite close to our tentages which disheartened half the team who decided to fall back and they implored me also to return.

Night moon light was amazingly illuminating. However after three days with the camp stores yaks  rolled back  to Mungthang via same route to meet us on the other side of the Tsa La mountains. After two hours of zig zag scaling over steep up climbs we reached on a well laid wide foot/yak track, which was an old established route to Tibet over which His Holiness Dalai Lama or his plenipotentiaries used to come down to Sikkim Monastery (very big monastery) in West of Gangtok to bless his followers and also on other routine political / religious/spiritual missions. On the north easternly side we could see a huge wide deep open cauldron type well created by slid-slip  fallen snow avalanches inside due  melting in process and somewhere loaths of broken but huge snow materials lying inside having slipped from top of the surrounding mountains of Tsa-La ranges. It was terrifying to look to imagine supposing somebody from the team in a climbing mode slips into that and he just could not be evacuated even by helicopter.
The more we go up the more terrifying it looked as & when ever glanced down stealingly though it presented a spectacular view but definitely not without a fear – a fear of unknown. So our guide kept us pressing westward to make us walk safely on the loose stones confirmed for stability by his preceding safe test walk and he took us onto the top in six hours. Now the choice was either to abandon mission and return or move forward with calculated risks. I was told that the last abortive mission to go up though this route was attempted by one SIB patrol during 1959 and up to 1983 no other patrol was ventured and pass remained closed and unmaintained providing negative knowledge to the locals. May be during 1959, there was a necessity to reconnoiter Tsa-La route to get the Dalai Lama team to Gangtok Monastery through that pass to lodge them there temporarily & then to Siliguri. On the third day all other officers from other services returned as they got apprehensive of becoming casualty from the shooting stones/slabs likely to be trapped over. More over proper pass route stood blocked & closed. Our AR team of 18 total plus one Artillery young officer (a Subaltern) remained intact till completion of our mission. He was a really determined and tough guy and carried his ANPRC 25 wireless set also on him throughout, and I was feeling heavy to move on even with pistol, forget about carrying wireless set. My hats off to him.

5.    Around 3pm we reached on the top and then we were to roll down the reverse slope. I straightaway asked the radio set operator to pass back information that we have achieved our mission. I then decided to lie on my back with my face looking upward to the sky for brief rest to appreciate Mother Nature about the clean atmosphere at such heights. No pollution, no litter around and the wind was so comforting. Here again comes my helper, “Sir, get up, do not relax, you have to move down running or in quick steps but with balanced control” and I agreed. Lo! within 20 minutes we were on the down slope the other side. Must have lost about 2000 feets in altitude. There was huge lake of blue water not stirring: we could also see our faces reflection down in clear water. There were lot many coins inside lake offered by visiting devotees. I also pushed in a coin and quickly said some prayers as I generally used to carry on me our “Gutka Sahab” (smallest holy book of the Sikhs). I real
ly felt all my tiredness vanish, for this I say my thanks to my Assam Rifles helper who had earlier experience of this nature of LRP and especially of Tsa-La. While moving down to the lake, at times we had to run steadily fall on the slope, get up again, readjust and slide again. Some of us even getting our pants bottoms torn due to surface rubbing against hard rocky stones. This experience I wanted to write many a times but I could not muster up any opportunity since I write on subjects of varied interests after my retirement. And Manipur is heaven for journalist so far access to topic of variety is concerned.  Thanks to Col Beniwal (Retd) for reigniting this desire in me because of his remarks in the book. This LRP is not the only event I have experienced. AR jawan jumps up to grab any opportunity to volunteer if there is any call for flood relief, earthquake relief or other natural calamities like outbreak of fire, mechanical transport accidents.  Equally they act tough on search missions in counter insurgency duties. My mission was successful because of Assam Rifles personnel on my patrol

6.    Earth Quake – sinking of road MANGAN. There was a big earth shake up preceded by continuous downpour of 7-10 days in North Sikkim affecting Mangan & Rangrang, 96 families with accommodation of BRTF labour force along road moved in lap of mother earth due big crack & sink   submerged in to Teesta side   road wide opening gap and disappearing into the oblivion while asleep in the night and no survival was left to tell any story. With no trace they just vanished into earth’s lap. Assam Rifles wing HQ at Rangrang was severely damaged yet in the morning on call of duty they were up in areas around to prepare tracks for human movement to reach Mangan as road was badly broken with wide gaps severely affecting road alignment making human movements impossible to unthinkable grid. AR jawans themselves awake whole night provided relief in exceptionally high spirits, though many of their own belongings were lost leaving one ration store completely damaged. It was in 1983 Sep on yet other occasion 104 Engineer Regt on way to Yumsemdong South to construct two coy RCC defences came under heavy crush of loose stones with earth & water mixed debris. The Regt lost one officer, four JCOs and about 34 Sappers buried alive due to earth cracks & four loops of road to Yumsemdong south disappearing & stones with heavy mesh of earth falling on their tents. There also, Assam Rifles troops of this very Battalion joined the survivors to take out dead bodies. It was a real pathetic scene. But AR jawan did his duty undeterred and bringing evacuees to nearby Lachung post. Mission of moving up was again undertaken within four days. A very good work done GOC 17 Mtn Div christened main defenses as Janak Garh and Rattan Top (Artillery Observation Post) on names of Lt Col Janak Singh Sesodia the then, CO and Rattan of course my name as a result of Assam Rifles Jawans “Service above self”. I am really proud of you my wing troops for construction of company defenses, Construction
was completed within 45 days against granted period of 60 days despite the odds aforesaid. The nation respects you Junior Commanders, their Wing Commander & Commandant since honoured.   I salute you my dear “SENTINEL OF THE NORTH EAST’ ‘FIGHTER OF NATURAL VAGARIES”. Here in Manipur, same Battalion along with 23 AR were tasked to evacuate NSCN (IM) camp at Siroi. They did wonderful job by displaying human spirit & duty proving  their mettle of determination to complete job without firing a shot. Bn was to evacuate NSCN (IM) camp at Siroi – tourist RH, ‘camp also taken note’ of Siroi remained under siege for 24 -27 days till up stuck under final instructions from MHA. Explosive situation then, but controlled deftly standing face to face with both sides armed for days and nights together.  Uniformed soldier were either side, could have caused any situation. I had my self visited that camp one day to convey through village headman & pastor that fight was between MHA & NSCN (IM) leadership so not to vitiate the environs under any hasty step. The response was good and stand-of solved by closing that camp and shifting them to Bunning camp merging with already existing another camp also taken note of there. Now I learn it is called Hothrong Camp. This is the superb fine contribution of Jawans. I retired from Manipur-Mizoram border Jiribam to Tipaimukh in 1997.

7. Assam Rifles jawan is a figure of discipline, dedication, smartness and sparkling shine of Majri-Silver grey in peace and OG in combat role with smiling salute ‘Jai-Hind’ revering their authorities. He is replica of strength, valour, endurance and thrusted thrust of ferocious face to the enemy at IB and a combination of quick action with sympathetic approach while on IS duties. A real sagacious soldier, embodiment of peace and development, upholder of secular image of the Nation.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/05/ar-jawansymbol-of-perfect-nationalism-and-harbinger-of-peace-and-hope/

Traffic Congestion in Imphal City: Mismanagement

By Rajkumar Bobichand Recently the problems of traffic in Imphal have been widely debated in… more »

By Rajkumar Bobichand
Recently the problems of traffic in Imphal have been widely debated in media circles in Manipur and other social networks particularly Facebook.  With the restriction of vehicular movement in Khwairamband Keithel, introduction of two low floor buses and declaration of the Khwairamband area as pedestrian zone, the government of Manipur particularly city managers and traffic control police seem consider the problem as if it is solved.

However, the reality is that the traffic situation in Imphal city gets worse than before.  The worst is the unnecessary traffic congestion created by mismanagement on special occasions. The traffic problem in Imphal city still persists.

We all know that traffic congestion is a condition on road networks that occurs as use increases, and is characterized by slower speeds, longer trip times, and increased vehicular queuing. The most common example is the physical use of roads by vehicles. When traffic demand is great enough that the interaction between vehicles slows the speed of the traffic stream, this results in some congestion. As demand approaches the capacity of a road or of the intersections along the road, extreme traffic congestion sets in. When vehicles are fully stopped for periods of time, this is colloquially known as a traffic jam or traffic snarl-up.

The parts of the Imphal city where most of the traffic stuck are Nityaipat Chuthek, the part of the National Highway popularly known as Secretariat Mamang, Keishampat Junction, Wahengbam Leikai, Nagamapal, Khoyathong, Sanjenthong, Kopnung Mamang, New Checkon.

The generally considered causes of traffic congestion are – the breadth of the road is too narrow to accommodate the demand of vehicles; Shortage of off-road parking which means people park on the roads and so increase congestion; People not using public transport- either it is less convenient, too expensive or not available; and more people own and use cars.

Although almost all these general causes of traffic congestion are applicable in case of Imphal city, common people experience the worst traffic congestion when the city managers and the State Home Department particularly the Traffic Police take too much care and concern for the so called VIPs only totally neglecting the convenience and welfare of the common people for whom the VIPs exist. The most recent experience of unnecessary traffic congestions were on the days when the Oath-taking and Swearing-in-ceremonies of the new ministry of Manipur were conducted at the Raj Bhavan.

When such occasions occur where few people participate, the easiest way of traffic regulation carried out the by the authority is the blockage of entry at select points like Moirangkhom, Keishampat Junction, Wanghengbam Leikai, Nagamnapal Machin, Khoyathong or  Kangla Park Gandhi Avenue Machin, Konung Mamang. This is just like the Reserve Area during British colonial rule.

Some questions crop up. Is it not possible to ensure the security and movement of those who would participate in such occasions and provide their parking lots without causing inconveniences of such traffic snarl-up to the common people?   How school going children are riding costly motorbikes speeding up and overtaking from either side as they like in crowed roads? When they appear their Secondary and Senior Secondary examinations, they must be hardly 15 to 17 years old? And what are their ages in their driving licence?  What is wrong with the ministers and bureaucrat officers coming from north towards south to take the turn at Moirangkhom and enter Secretariat without stopping the common people who are going towards north along the National Highway? 

The traffic congestion on special occasions is very different from the traffic congestion in Imphal city in normal conditions. Without construction and development of roads and its network and development of public transport system, changing the attitudes, behaviour of the persons who drive particularly those the bigger and costlier vehicles owned by those people who become rich overnight.  They want to go faster even though there is no space to overtake on all sides. This applies to the diesel run autorikshaws and Magic Tata vehicles who ferry commuters as the government fails to provide other public transport system. Although some traffic police really work hard braving the heat of the sun, rains and dusts, some of the personnel on duty in market areas don’t bother about proper regulations, instead they will wait for opportunity to take bribe from those who violate traffic rules. Some of the police vehicles which belong to the police department speed up as if they are in emergency even though it is not on duty. Sometimes they are without registration numbers.

The traffic education needs to be given properly. The authority needs to learn from others like Singapore and Kuala Lumpur. They also should take the help of the experts in this field. The traffic regulation in Imphal city needs to be handled holistically after a systematic research and analysis. The mindset considering Khwairamband and VIP area only Imphal city needs to be changed.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/04/traffic-congestion-in-imphal-city-mismanagement/

World In Rethink Mode: Is Manipur Joining?

By Amar Yumnam When the Soviet Union disappeared, the world was largely in a celebrative… more »

By Amar Yumnam
When the Soviet Union disappeared, the world was largely in a celebrative mood. But when the global economy has suffered the latest round of crises – financial crisis topping the environmental, food, water and energy crises – the world has realised that the celebration on the decline of a major adversary was misplaced and untimely. It is now passing through a deep introspection, articulation and appreciation of diversity. All these are happening within a context of acceptance of an interconnected universe as the ultimate. There are rethinking processes into the models of polity, society and ultimately of economy. These are happening mostly in countries already supposed to be models of success economies, like the United States of America and Continental Europe. Manipur is nowhere near a success scenario of polity, society and economy, but the global rethink does provide us an opportunity to rethink on ourselves and the country-wide model of India. The putting in place of a new government with fresh faces in the council of ministers, the fast emerging scenario of Asian development dynamics, the changes happening in Myanmar, the policy designs of India and the new non-endogenous social ethos of Manipur, the moment is critically opportune for Manipur to join the global rethink.

From Cicero to Stiglitz and Sachs: Only a few months back I had read the English translation of Cicero’s pre-Christ articulation of the imperatives for a civilisation to sustain. I was moved by his articulation of the virtues of patriotism which are needed to be both acquired and practiced by the population and her politicians. The core values and virtues of Cicero’s teachings are still very relevant globally and much more so for Manipur. Though nowhere he is referred to, the continuation his perspective can be seen even today. Two very recent books are found to be of prime value to read in the contemporary world. One is the Global Crisis: The Way Forward (which is a report of a commission of the United Nations, generally known as The Stiglitz Commission Report) and the other is The Price of Civilisation: Economics and Ethics After The Fall.

The Stiglitz Commission speaks of some principles to guide the global recovery policies after the recent and ongoing crises of finance, water, food, energy and environment. Emphasising the significance of ideas (not centred but diverse),  it speaks inter alia of a balance between regulation and deregulation (read state and market), transparency in governance and decision-making, synchronisation of short-run and long run policies and concern for justice. The inimitable Jeffrey Sachs is deeply unnerved by the fact of worrying for his own country (the Unites States) after advising the different countries of the world on economic policy for almost four decades. He writes: “At the root of America’s economic crisis lies a moral crisis: the decline of civic virtue among America’s political and economic elite. A society of markets, laws,, and elections is not enough if the rich and powerful fail to behave with respect, honesty, and compassion toward the rest of society and toward the world. America has developed the world’s most competitive market society but has squandered its civic virtue along the way. Without restoring an ethos of social responsibility, there can be no meaningful and sustained economic recovery.” I had recently discussed Manipur with an American friend on the relative social strengths of Manipur. I pointed out to him the capability to point out mistakes, accept wrongs and listen to the critics for finding the social remedies of the American society compared to the absence of such a characteristics in Manipur. I pointed out that looking at the failure of social response to child kidnapping and women issues in Manipur as proofs. I told him that JACs could not be treated as social strengths but establish the disappearance of an ethos of once endogenous collective response. He told me that he was hearing a social critic of Manipur for the first time and based in Manipur itself.

Manipur Scenario: What gives opportunity to us is the recent composition of the decision-takers in the government under Ibobi. Manipur has been under the spell of decline of civic virtues and disrespect for ideas for quite a few years. Besides the economic and the political elite, the common people too have been infected by this disease. All the ethnic groups, state, non-state and anti-state agents have been greatly influenced by this decline in their functioning. The outcome has been that rogue elements have started dominating the functioning in every dimension of social life. This has further hastened the decline in civic virtues, and replacement of the endogenous ethos of the people by the violent ethos of the rogue agents. Now these are conditions which can never lead to the emergence of a sustainable social and economic environment, but only land the people into psychological destabilisation.

We cannot think of a long term continuation of this scenario. This is exactly where the new government gives us hope. There are persons from whom we can expect a new wind of governance principles among the new ministers. The first priority is that they should be able to prove to the people in Manipur that they think and work for the land, and not as ordinary representatives of the districts and constituencies they come from. This would not only address the present anger against district non-representation in the composition of the ministry, but would herald the emergence of an inclusive and wider perspective among the people. This would call for the evolution of a genuinely Manipur-wide development policy. The second priority would be application of mind and evolution of a policy to critically prepare the land and people for the emerging Asian century. The third issue would be the as good as dead scenario of all the government schools. Revival of these is fundamental for restoring the lost social virtues and social cohesiveness. We should remember that education is essentially a state responsibility. If the government is incapable of performing this function, it should decide to save the huge public money spent on this sector. The money thus saved could be used for serving the cause of the poor. All these moves would require bringing the rogue elements under rein.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/04/world-in-rethink-mode-is-manipur-joining/

An Interview With Anand Patwardhan

By  Joshy  Joseph It happened during the 1988 International Film Festival of India (IFFI) held… more »

By  Joshy  Joseph
It happened during the 1988 International Film Festival of India (IFFI) held in Trivandrum. I was trying to persuade Anand Patwardhan to agree to receive the first copy of a book on Malayalam cinema at an official ceremony from the reputed film critic of The Guardian, Derek Malcolm. The author of the book was a friend of mine. Anand agreed to receive the book but not without posing a question to me : “Why Derek Malcolm? Is it because he is a white man?”

Many years later when Films Division interviewed Anand for a curtain-raiser film on Films Division for MIFF (Mumbai International Film Festival for documentary, short and animation films), I heard him saying : “Luckily, we need not refer to Ben Kinsley as Gandhi, since FD has the original Gandhi footage !”

Anand speaks so lucidly through his films and in person. That is why, even while working for an official documenting agency, I always go back to Anand`s films for measuring the actual height and weight of Indian history.

Every time I wake up for a sunrise shoot or patiently wait to capture a clear-sky sunset shot, I cannot help envying Anand. I cannot recall a single `beautiful shot` in his films — a shot devised for the sake of achieving beauty. It is the political conviction that illuminates his skies without bothering about the acceptibility factor, that strikes me over and over again. It is not for nothing that Anand`s films have withstood so confidently the test of time. And about the wrath of a nervous officialdom towards him and his films, it is only a cinematic addition to the good old stories of flourishing court poets aplenty juxtaposed with one or two poets of destiny. 

Here is an interview with anand patwardhan.

Mathrubhoomi

JJ 1 : “My film-making was not born out of a love for cinema”, you said.  You also have said that, “If you try to get into film-making as a career, then I think its not worth it.”  And here we are talking to film-maker Anand Patwardhan. What pushed you to film-making?

I liked still photography and my mother had bought me a second hand enlarger, which we installed in the bathroom when I was about 15, but my love for cinema began after I started to make films and not really before this. In that sense I am an accidental filmmaker. The trigger for my first film footage was the anti-Viet Nam War movement in the USA, which I had become a part of.  I had a scholarship to study Sociology at Brandeis University, then a hot bed of anti-war protesters. We did many actions against the war and I borrowed a camera and filmed some ofthese.Later I also made a short film to raise awareness and funds for East Pakistan refugees who were pouring into India in 1971. This was just before the war of Independence that led to the creation of Bangladesh.  America, allied to Pakistan at the time, was in denial about the repression and murder launched by the Pakistani army and their collaborators, so our film was a reminder of what US policy was unleashing.

Filmmaking was far from my mind when I returned to India in 1972 and worked in a voluntary organization called Kishore Bharati where we tried to encourage scientific temper in rural education as well as tried to modernize farming techniques. In one of our fraternal organizations at Rasulia there was a clinic where doctors had noticed that Tuberculosis patients got cured but then often relapsed due to a lack of long-term care. So I made a 20 minute film strip using still photographs and a sound track on a cassette player to play for outpatients. Incidentally Dr. Binayak Sen had joined the clinic at Rasulia and worked there for several years not long after I left.

By 1974 I joined the Jayaprakash Narayan led Bihar Movement against corruption which escalated into a demand for Sampoorna Kranti (Total Revolution).  I fell into filmmaking again when in November 1974 a big demonstration was planned in Patna. Expecting police violence the movement asked me to take photographs that day. Instead I went to Delhi and recruited Rajiv Jain, a friend who had a Super 8 camera and an 8 mm camera. With this amateur equipment we filmed the November 4 Patna mass rally and the resulting police repression. I then went back to Delhi and projected the 8 mm footage on a small screen while another friend with a 16 mm camera filmed off this screen achieving a rough “blow up”. I returned to Bihar with yet another friend Pradeep Krishen who had recently bought an old Bell and Howell 16 mm camera that you need to wind up manually to shoot for 30 seconds at a time. All this led to the making of “Waves of Revolution” a film that went underground immediately after completion as by June 1975 a State of Emergency was declared by Indira Gandhi.

JJ 2 : So, your entry into films and your entity now as a film-maker were very much shaped up by your politics.  Does the search for your idiom of cinema and your ideology inter-twine? I will try to explain a bit. Although you do not mind being branded as “Indian Michael Moore”, I somehow find a major difference between your idiom of cinema and Michael Moore’s techniques. You have also expressed it – “He is guilty of striking too many blows even after his opponent is down for the count”.  Similarly, your observations about Fernando Solanas’  ‘Hour of the Furnaces’ – “I appreciated its directness and sympathies, but I remember not liking the form very much as it bombarded the viewer with slogans, rapid-fire cutting and authoritative textual interventions”. The operative words are ‘blows’, ‘bombarded’ and ‘authoritative’. Does the Gandhian in you search for a peaceful intervention through the medium of cinema? Does that define your idiom?

It is true that I am drawn most to non-violent struggles for justice because I feel that violence even in a good cause ultimately dehumanizes us, but I wasn’t quite aware that this preference influences my approach to cinema or my appreciation of cinema form. Now that you say it, it seems plausible. I never want to hit my audience on the head with a sledgehammer but am delighted if by pointing them in the right (or rather, left) direction my film makes them feel that it is they who came to these conclusions on their own. My job then is not the job of a bully who brainwashes them into submission but of a lawyer who slowly persuades them on the strength and weight of the evidence placed before them.

JJ 3 : Where should today’s viewer locate your cinema with its tilt towards the Latin-American school of thought of ‘Imperfect Cinema’ and in the backdrop of today’s much hyped school of ‘Artistic Cinema’? Answer me in a detailed manner as these are aesthetic questions very much related to the political positioning of film-makers and their times?

Just as I prefer to avoid labeling myself philosophically and politically as a Gandhian or a Marxist or now, an Ambedkarite, I also find the labels attached to cinematic form somewhat stifling and claustrophobic. “Imperfect Cinema” was a theory that grew out of the conditions of filmmaking prevailing in the 60’s and 70’s in Latin America where those fighting against brutal, oppressive regimes worked without funds and without good equipment and always under the threat of being caught, tortured and killed. This cinema bore the marks of its own birth passage so that scratched film, out of focus, hurriedly taken shots and jerky movements were worn proudly as a badge of courage under adversity. Working in India the threat to life was not so acute but I did face a similar paucity of equipment and funds, had to be secretive for fear of arrest and my early films reflect this. Later as I bought or borrowed better equipment and my own technical abilities improved by trial and error, my films began to have a different look and feel. Today the technology itself has changed dramatically so that even a newcomer to cinema can shoot brilliantly sharp and attractive images at a relatively low cost. There is no “imperfection” left except that, which is deliberately created and therefore quite artificial.

As for “artistic cinema” in truth I am rather allergic to the term. If there is such a thing as art, it is an unconscious activity and not a self conscious one. To me the self-conscious creation of art is not art, it is usually another three letter word starting with the letter ‘C’.  Adivasis who paint on their mud huts or artisan potters do not call themselves artists. Their work is declared as art only when we put such objects into a frame and invite a certain kind of gaze. So I am wary of people who call themselves artists because I think that while this indefinable entity known as art may exist, it is the job of history and geography to recognize it.  When something transcends time and space and is appreciated over decades and centuries and across cultures and national boundaries, it must have touched a universal truth, which we can, for want of a better word, call art.

JJ 4 : You were a fellow-traveller of Jayaprakash Narayan’s anti-corruption movement in Bihar and also documented it with an 8mm camera in the black & white film, ‘Waves of revolution’.  What was J.P.’s answer to your question, that even Gandhians recognize and emphasize the class question.  Since you could observe the JP Movement from within, I should ask you a question of the core difference between the anti-corruption movement of J.P. and Anna Hazare. What, how and why?

Those were heady days for a 24 year old who had returned from an idealistic peace movement in the USA and then spent a few years in the intractable Indian countryside where the pace of change was terribly slow. The Bihar Movement was in contrast exhilarating with its promise of social, economic and political revolution. I saw people breaking their caste threads, landed families parting with land, students who vowed never to take dowry. The signs of danger were present though. JP had tried to rehabilitate the RSS because he had seen their dedication and commitment during famine relief work a few years earlier. In the national imagination the RSS was still the ideological force that killed Mahatma Gandhi. JP however was convinced that he and the Bihar movement could wean the RSS away from its religious hatred of minorities and forge a vibrant youth movement for social change. I was skeptical and even wrote articles in Everyman, a paper run by the movement, warning against the entry of the RSS. History has shown that while JP made no real headway in changing the RSS, the RSS was able to use JP to rehabilitate itself and become a national power to reckon with. In time the BJP was created, the Babri Mosque destroyed and India has never really recovered from that process of polarization.

In the post Emergency period JP became a figurehead that no one listened to. While he himself remained somewhat of a left socialist, talking of class struggle and arguing for the release of all political prisoners including Naxalites, Nagas and Mizos, he was soon sidelined and made irrelevant.

What is the similarity with Anna Hazare’s movement? While Anna is in no way an equivalent of JP either in stature or in intellectual capacity and unlike JP is probably a votary of “honest” consumer capital development, there are unmistakable parallels and the distinct possibility that mistakes of the past shall be revisited. Today, as it was in 1974, there is undeniable public disgust with high and low levels of corruption. There is the iconic old man of integrity who is the symbol of the fight back. There is the RSS in the wings, the only organized force that may gain from all this. There are also those at the side of the old man who are warning him against falling prey to the RSS. Let us see what unfolds.

JJ 5 : Now in your latest film, ‘Jai Bhim Comrade’, you asked poet and activist Vara Vara Rao that while addressing the class question, the left ignored the caste question. Without pausing there, the film further commented about the left leadership being dominated by the upper caste comrades. How do you further your long quest and ‘tryst with caste-destiny’ in India, in ‘Jai Bhim Comrade’?

I am not trying to pass judgment on any individual or party nor do I want to undermine the tremendous contribution made by people who were not born in poverty and stigma but still chose to side with the oppressed.The film is an attempt to create the space for a dialogue on caste not just with the Left in all its myriad forms, but within the Dalit movement and with upper caste elements who are not even aware that a caste problem exists in this country. I think different sets of people will take away different things from the film. What I am happy about is the number of people across the class, caste and political spectrum who have told me that they could not sleep at night after watching the film.

JJ 6 : The Dalit Movement in Maharashtra is depressingly fragmented and is bereft of any vision ignoring the Dalit identity itself. One time rebel poet Namdeo Dhasal and Republican Party of India’s Ramdas Athavale are co-opted by Hindutva forces. Your film has several real life episodes of the suicide of your friend and poet Vilas Ghogre and the cold blooded murder of fire-brand leader Bhai Sangare, which are also depressing.  Unlike other ‘festival circuit film-makers’, since you took the depression in your film straight to the people (like BIT Chawl and Ramabai Colony in Mumbai) by premiering there, you addressed and engaged this depressive scenario, both in your film and in the Dalit unity, head-on. What then?

The response from the Dalit community at large has been phenomenal. Not only are the numbers in the audience huge, 800 at BIT chawl and 1500 at Ramabai colony, people have stood up for 3.5 hours as chairs were not available. Everyday there are calls from different parts of the state and country to do more screenings.

The film is obviously fulfilling a felt need. People have seen their leaders fall prey to venality and compromise and yet they have no alternative but to join one or the other compromised political entities. So the dissatisfaction is great. I have shown many films to working class audiences in the last 40 years. This is the one film that draws huge crowds and rapt attention. Perhaps it is the language, the Marathi that is spoken in this region, perhaps it is the music but most likely it is because people feel betrayed by their leaders and identify with the clear voice of the dynamic youth in the film who speak uncompromisingly for radical change.

J 7 : Lets talk about literature for a while. Dalit writing in Maharashtra has got a deep-rooted strong presence unlike the Bengali Literature.  The ‘Dalit’ word itself is alien to the Bengali dictionary. Although my friends like Palash Chandra Biswas are questioning the caste hegemony in Bengali literature, the general perception is that in a post-Tagorean period, the marginalized were brought to the mainstream discourse by writers like Mahasweta Devi. Writers are public intellectuals. What is the scenario in Marathi? In your film ‘Jai Bhim Comrade’, playwright Vijay Tendulkar attacks the Shiv Sena in a common man’s language and tone. Do writers make their presence felt in public life? Does Marathi Dalit writing impact beyond literary circles?

Here I have a confession to make. I read Marathi literature quite infrequently and with difficulty. My parents never spoke Marathi at home as my mother was from Hyderabad, Sindh. I grew up more or less with English as my mother tongue (except when speaking with my father’s relatives), went to schools where the language of instruction was English. I really began to learn and speak Hindi well only when I joined the village project, Kishore Bharati in Madhya Pradesh and then later in the Bihar movement. My Marathi remains basic but has improved in the 14 years it took to make this film, though even now I grope for words when having to make a public speech in Marathi.

So it would be wrong to think that I approached this film from a literary perspective. What triggered it was my specific love for Vilas’s poetry and music and later the poetry and music of others like him, like the dynamic Kabir Kala Manch.

As for the public role of Marathi writers, in recent times not many have passed the bravery test. While in the past Marathi writers, specially Dalit writers, had their glorious days of speaking for the masses and speaking out against injustice, in later years many so-called progressive writers who had been radical in their writings ended up kowtowing to whichever party came to power. Vijay Tendulkar and P. L. Deshpande are amongst the exceptions who withstood the wrath of fascist forces without blinking.

JJ 8 : “I liked literature until I started to take it up academically and then I got bored with it”. Is it the case even now? If so, why? You think academics are boring people?

You could put it that way. Sometimes they are not necessarily boring as people but their output is boring. They have learned the fine art of cross-referencing with or without using footnotes. For me a work of literature or even literary criticism falls flat on its face if it depends entirely on familiarity with another body of knowledge to which it endlessly refers. To understand T.S. Eliot you have to read Ezra Pound and to understand Pound, you read some Chinese texts and so on and on and anon. Why? I want works to speak to me here and now, to feel and smell and taste it. Then if I get excited enough I will bother with the back-story.

What happens in the world of academics is not very different from what happens in the world of art. Big words and incomprehensible sentences pose as signifiers of brilliance. I confess to being bewildered at first, giving the work a large benefit of doubt and then slowly finding myself getting irritated because I trust the fact that I am not plain stupid and that if I just do not get the point of something there is a possibility that there is actually no point of import being made; that the beauty everyone is awed by lies merely in the dress up.

As a documentary filmmaker I constantly have to grapple with how to represent the complexity of everyday life. If I use a cinema language and code that is only accessible to a select few I could do rather well in circles that celebrate such an approach. But it would mystify and alienate others whom I want to reach out to. So while I never try to over simplify what I see, I do endeavour hard to bring out the most important aspects of a situation in a cinema language that is clear and direct so that I am confusing only when the material in front of me is actually confusing.

JJ 9 : Are you an Atheist?

I am an agnostic. ie I don’t know if there is a thoughtful Creator or it all happened by accident. When one looks at Nature and how intricately inter-dependent all creatures are, the sheer genius of it makes you want to believe that we are all a part of a grand design. On the other hand how thoughtful can our Creator be if he/she also created evil and sorrow and suffering and death ? If he/she had such super powers why not create a happier world ?  So I like what Bhai Sangare says at the end of Part One in Jai Bhim Comrade when he quotes the Buddha: “If God exists it won`t make any difference to you. If he doesn`t exist it still won`t make a difference. So the Buddha didn`t speak of God or of the soul or of the Supreme. He spoke about the existence of Man. He didn`t even speak about what happens after death. The Buddha only spoke of how we should conduct ourselves on the journeybetween birth and death.”

JJ 10 : I do not think that hell is God’s idea and in that sense the binary of hell and heaven vanishes for me.  Christ is an experience and that helps from my mundane anxious moments like the take-off and landing moments of the aircrafts I travel, to all the other travels in life.  How do you keep your calm at your testing moments as a film-maker, like the most humane face I love to remember in ‘Ram ke Naam’, the Head Priest of the Ayodhya Temple who was so articulate, convincing and compassionate – priest Laldas – who later got murdered and the news reaches you … every time I see this film, I am gripped by that take-off / landing tremor. But Christ experience helps. What about you?

I think it is possible to be spiritually and psychologically grounded without being at all religious. My father was like that. He had no irrational religious beliefs and yet he was more secure even at the age of 94, when death was around the corner, than anyone else I have met. He loved life but was ready to embrace death without the slightest regret. I am not like that. I think my lack of spiritual belief leaves me vulnerable and yet I cannot exchange it merely for the sake of comfort.

On the other hand though I have made many films against religious bigotry I am not intolerant of people who are genuinely religious specially if their religion teaches them to be just and tolerant to others as Gandhi’s take on religion did, or Lincoln’s did.

JJ  11 : You are so miserly with the first person singular, ‘I’ or ‘me’ in your films except in ‘War and Peace’, where you talk about your family roots in national politics and even the subsequent disillusionment. It was for the first time, viewers got to see Patwardhan universe with Patwardhan family. But in your writings (eg. Committed to the Universal, India and Pakistan : Film Festivals in contrast, The battle of Chile, Terror : The aftermath, The Good Doctor in Chattisgarh, The Messengers of Bad News, How we learned to love the Bomb, and Republic Day Charade), the connect between the narrator and the reader is so effortlessly established by ‘you’ (or ‘I’) being there. I do understand that ‘you’ don’t have to be there in the narration in all the films, as you are very much present through your questions and the images you shoot – you handle the camera and you edit.  Still this doubt lingers on. Is it something to do with the differences of the medium of cinema and the medium of writing? In cinema you have multiple tools and in writing, the only tool is words.  And ‘you’ throw yourself more concretely.  Am I making any sense to you?

At the best of times I have tried to avoid or minimize commentary or narration. I really prefer the images and sounds I have captured to tell their own story, albeit with help from me as an editor. On rare occasions I achieved this as in “Bombay Our City” where there is no voice over at all for the full 82 minutes. At other times when the images and sounds I had captured needed some explanation or some important backgrounding, I provided this through narration. In “In memory of friends” I used the words of Shaheed Bhagat Singh to comment on the India and Punjab of the 1980’s.

In ‘War and Peace’ there was a special reason for using a first person narrative. BJP was in power and I knew I would be branded as an anti-national for making a film that questioned India’s nuclear nationalism. So I began the film by telling the audience that my uncles had fought for India’s Independence and spent many years in British jails. ie think twice before writing me off as a traitor.

Again when making “Jai Bhim Comrade” I chose not to have a voice over but used more impersonal inter-titles to give information or pointers throughout the film. This was because I did not want to become the focus of this film as there were far more important events and people that deserved attention. Of course as you say I am in the film, through questions, through camera, through editing and through the friendships I made.
 
JJ 12 : After the ‘iron curtain’ which existed during the cold war period, today there is a ‘velvet curtain’ in the world media which is a very tricky curtain. You fought and won many wars against state censorship and you wrote about ‘velvet curtain’ – “In many ways the censorship that is practiced in democracies today is much more insidious because the public is blissfully unaware of it. They are sucked in by the ‘choice’ of a 100 channels that serve up the same fare, sell the same soap and cola, provide virtually the same infotainment and the same Page 3 news, 24 x 7.  They are so conditioned by this fare that they do not mind or even realize the total absence of the vital stories of our times”.  How to tear down this velvet curtain? Even after recording the other missing stories for almost four decades by now with a missionary zeal, don’t you feel lost and somewhat preaching just to the church choir?

Not at all. Everyday and at every public screening I attend brings with it the vindication that it has all been worth the effort. I get a huge amount of positive feedback from viewers. What I confess is frustrating is the low levels of distribution normally available to documentaries and consequently the fact that millions of Indians have never seen these films. Let us see how it goes. I think with ‘Jai Bhim Comrade’, at least in Maharashtra we may make a real breakthrough in terms of getting this film out to the masses.
 
JJ 13 : “It doesn’t have to be high art for it to be useful”, you said.  Will you be embarrassed, if I tell you that in my viewing experience, your film ‘War and Peace’ transcends as high art?

I do think that if there is art, it is there in everyday life. There are times when one gets lucky and is able to capture such moments. I told you the example of the Pakistan schoolgirls debating nuclear war in “War and Peace”. My camera viewfinder was not functioning. So I put the camera on auto focus and wide angle and blindly moved it to wherever the next voice came from. It became the best sequence in the film!
 
JJ 14 : You think fascism in India won’t actually become full-blown fascism because of our centuries old democratic traditions and Arundhati Roy believes its not much the  democracy, there is a kind of inherent anarchism which will save India.  We just haven’t the order and organization that fascism seeks in order to thrive.  But when Arundhati spoke despairingly about virtually all existing non-violent movements and termed Mohandas Karachand Gandhi as ‘perhaps our first NGO’, you reacted sharply to that. You don’t negate Marx for Gandhi and Gandhi for Marx. You have admitted that your ideal was always mixed. You wrote a paper in 1971 to integrate Fanon and Gandhi; for Fanon violence was necessary to overcome the sense of inferiority that the black man had internalized and for Gandhi only through non-violence could you dispel this inferiority.  Don’t you think our tribal uprising today, though in expression it is Maoist violence, but in essence, it is desperate in that expression, desperate to negotiate with the state which only responds to violence? Don’t you think that violence is only its nature of expression, an attribute, not its essence? To quote our Pastor John R. Higgins, very similar to the Ayodhya priest Laldas – “The essence of water would be H2O; an attribute of water would be transparency”. May be Arundhati was trying to make her point forcefully regarding this ‘attribute – essence’ core involved in the Maoist issue. What do you think?

I don’t have fundamental differences with Arundhati except that I have absolutely no romance of the gun. While my opposition to violence is gut level and instinctive I think violence has no pragmatic value either. I do not believe that in the 21st century a sophisticated Indian State can be overthrown by an armed struggle launched through the forests of India. So I fear for the lives of the bravest and brightest of our people who choose to make revolution by the force of arms as I see it as a form of suicide. I see adivasis being caught between State violence and the violence of the Maoists. Of course it is the State that must take the major blame for having expropriated the lands and livelihoods of the people. But the answer provided by the Maoists will not bring long term relief. I also see ordinary people, mostly Dalits, adivasis or other sections of the working poor who protest systemic violence being branded as Maoists as has happened with the Kabir Kala Manch. It is the unfolding of a tragedy.
 
JJ 15 : Let me slow down and ask you certain short and personal questions. Tell us about your association with ODESSA and your friendship with John Abraham and later with Sarat (C. Saratchandran).

John had seen my films Prisoners of Conscience and A Time to Rise and invited me to join his Odessa team and travel through Kerala with a 16mm projector doing screenings from village to village. Later I did the same thing with Bombay Our City. It was a wonderful experience although my conversations with John were always funny as he was usually drunk and yet somewhere continued to make profound sense.

With Sarat there was a longer relationship which developed from our common desire to take cinema to the people. Sarat was one of the most selfless filmmakers I know, promoting the work of others without talking about his own substantial work that had documented all the major environmental and peoples’ struggles in Kerala including the most famous one to oust Coca Cola from Plachimada.  Sarat brought me to screen my films in Kerala several times and with his limited resources he even made a Malayalam version of my film Ram Ke Naam.
JJ 16 : I know Aravindan’s ‘Thambu’ is one of your favourite films. I have a non-sub-titled copy with me which I will present to you. Why do you like ‘Thambu’?

Never thought about it, but initially perhaps because it so resembled a documentary. It was beautifully shot in dramatic black and white in what appeared to be available light, the plot was minimal and yet the characters in this working class traveling circus grew on you.
 
JJ 17 : Art and Politics were integrated in your family. Your mother was a Shantiniketan trained potter and your father was from a socialist family immersed in the struggle against British Rule.  I had seen you accompanying your father in Pandit Bhimsen Joshi concerts.  You lost both of them recently. You have dedicated ‘Jai Bhim Comrade’ to the memory of Sarat, Tarique Masud and your parents which is very touching. Tell us about your parents and your upbringing.

It is hard for me to speak about my parents now as no day passes without me wishing they were still here. In consolation everyone tells me how lucky I am for having had them for so long but in a way when you spend 60 years of your life attached to two people their sudden absence becomes that much more difficult to bear. My mother passed away from cancer at 80 in 2008 and I have still not even put away her things, not made a memorial website for her as I intended to do. She was one of India’s first “artist” potters who specialized in glazing. Her book “Handbook for Potters” can be found with almost all glaze potters in India because she experimented on thousands of glazes, clays and temperatures with her immaculate chemistry work and hard physical labor and rather than keep the “secrets” she had discovered, she shared the fruits of her work in this recipe book of her experiments with glaze.

My father’s absence I feel even more acutely. He passed in 2010 at the age of 94, perhaps from a common cold, which may have become pneumonia because his old heart was too weak to pump out the fluid. He was cheerful to the end and we had no inkling that these were his last days. He had always said that when the time came for him to go, he would go in an instant and he did exactly that. His brain remained sharper than mine right to the end. He could remember even cell phone numbers if you said them aloud just once so he was our directory and our encyclopedia. He cried when he saw movies and he laughed aloud at the drop of a hat and yet he was the calmest and gentlest person I have ever known, one who never once raised his voice in anger.

Needless to say I was lucky to have such parents. The other day I chanced to look at my birth certificate dated February1950. In the column where caste had to declared is written: Indian.
 
JJ 18 : One last question again expecting a lengthy answer – you like a diarist form in films but not a confessional one. “I haven’t got to the stage where I want to bare my soul on camera.” Why this aversion to confession? You think being confessional is a fashion with ‘artistic cinema’ and doesn’t get along with your ‘imperfect cinema’? But Gandhi was confessional. May be Richard Attenborough glossed over those aspects. Even your review in ‘Economic and Political Weekly’ entitled ‘Gandhi : Film as Theology’ had an intimate confessional quality of writing, from a film-maker. Why not to bare your soul on camera?

I am definitely neither as honest nor as self aware as Gandhi. Nor do

I believe that everything I do, good or bad, is a lesson others can learn from one way or the other. So I do not want my personal life on air. I don’t want to live in a fish bowl with people gazing in. My films are another matter. I do want people to gaze on them. That is the difference.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/04/an-interview-with-anand-patwardhan/

Signs Of The Times

By Humra  Quraishi Its so easy to throw about distractions …yes , the whole of… more »

By Humra  Quraishi
Its so easy to throw about distractions …yes , the whole of this capital city sits distracted by that ‘CD in circulation’ news . Whether it is fake and fabricated, it has put Abhishek Manu Singhvi in a terribly tight spot and kept the rest of us away from theatres and cinema halls. With this rationale : why spend so much to view Dirty Picture when there are options and alternatives .

Also, there’s this saner point of view – its one of those personal and private encounters which should not concern you or me .And , perhaps , not even shock us, because several of those who’s who on the circuit do indulge in sexual escapades , promising the moon and all that lies sprawled under it …Its one of those realities that gets brushed under the carpet , the very next morning or, perhaps , the same evening . Only the naïve sit shocked and taken back by such news trickles ; only those who don’t seem to realize the horribly twisted times we happen to be living in, under those façade of development and the ‘developed’ us !

The bigger tragedy of these distractions is that the actual and serious news lies sidetracked .In fact, this week there have been at least two news- reports of prisoners getting treated in one of the worst possible ways .A woman prisoner lodged in Delhi’s Tihar Jail has alleged that the jail staff had her beaten and scratched by HIV positive / infected inmates .And with that this woman fears for her life and that of her two year old daughter also sitting languishing with her Then , there came in news of a Chennai based prisoner so brutally beaten by the cops that his teeth were broken ,lips cut , jaw fractured …Mind you , these are just those few reported cases .There’d be hundreds of prisoners sitting at the mercy of the jail staff , who hold complete sway over these captives .Last month didn’t we get to hear those cries of imprisoned Adivasi woman Soni Sori …she pleading for help, to be rescued from the torture she’s subjected to by senior cops .

Isn’t it time we get to know what’s happening behind those high walls ? Isn’t it time to treat those imprisoned in a saner cum humane way and not unleash brute force on them ?

WHAT’S BEEN HAPPENING IN WEST BENGAL AND ELSEWHERE TOO …

Mid – life crisis seems to be hitting many a politician of this land .In fact, before I write any further I feel its important we revert back to the rather apt term for them – rulers . For, under the garb of democratically elected leaders , these politicians are behaving no better than rulers of yesteryears who’d passed those ‘off – with -your – head’ kind of sentences!

Either these today’s rulers have gone plain berserk , sitting riddled with phobias or else power has gone right up their heads .This is directly or indirectly affecting the average. For you can’t lampoon .And nor joke. Or even come up with a protest or two ! What sort of democratic fabric is this , with those political goons holding sway !

Although , Napoleon Bonaparte had once quipped – ‘ In politics stupidity is not a handicap’ , but these are not a series of stupidity riddled moves coming from Mamata Banerjee’s West Bengal …these are dangerous signals , relaying dictatorship strains of an unsettling sorts .And , mind you , she is not the only politician who seems to be throwing about such relays. Ask the young men and women residing in the so called disturbed locales of this country and they have enough to offload on this . Perhaps , the only factor that prevents them from offloading is fear. Yes, fear of that official machinery at work and the aftermath …fear in the shape and form of cops and that unlimited power at their command .

In the Kashmir Valley and also in other locales of this country you do not have the basic freedom to write or draw or caricature what you actually want to. No blatant or spontaneous unleashing . No, you can’t even shriek or cry aloud .And there is no given forum or platform like New Delhi’s symbolic Jantar Mantar .Either the political goons will hound you or if they spare you the cops will be right there, at your doorstep !

The apolitical sits between the devil and the deep sea . Unless , of course , he or she sits saddled with a host of well connected friends or with those clichéd god fathers on the heady political circuit .

HOW to WASH ?

As soon as this invite landed for the launch of WASH (Water, Sanitation and Hygiene in schools ) conference by Jairam Ramesh on April 25 , I sat thoroughly rattled. How can you even think of launching such big worded conferences when most of our schools are without those basic toilet or running water facilities . And why just schools ! Come May and there ‘d be those water woes in most parts of this city .

In fact , last summer I was an examiner at one of the top rung educational institutions situated in South Delhi and was aghast to find the water –less situation . Besides a rationed supply of drinking water, the rest of the scenario stood parched …no , not a trickle emerging from those taps .

THIS BOOK ON SACHIN …

With this trend of books emerging on doers and news makers, this book on Sachin has hit the stands – ‘Sachin- A Hundred Hundreds Now’(HarperCollins) Written by the veteran sports journalist V. Krishnaswamy , the introduction is by Rahul Dravid and the foreword by Ramakant Achrekar .

AND MORE BOOKS COULD HIT …

And with this trend of books on doers and performers and the activity – wallahs, I’m almost certain a book or a film on them could soon hit the stands .An expansion of CDs …without sounding prude , these latest films and talks around sperms or sperm – donors do sound silly and stupidly frivolous in this day and age when our children lie battered and bruised and killed by their very own .

Where are those good old days when the human form was intact and genuinely cared for and not ruined by these modern day hollow tactics !

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/04/signs-of-the-times/

MANGKANG: The Premier festival of Maram Women folks

By Pungdi P Celestine For the Maram Women folks, spring season means a lot more… more »

By Pungdi P Celestine
For the Maram Women folks, spring season means a lot more than just breaking from their routine agricultural ‘heavy’ activities. What the folks remain excited about is to immerse themselves fully in celebration of the spring with songs, dance and feasting. The festival  is traditionally observed and celebrated at the Maram ancestral village – Maram Khullen (Maramei Namdi) but in recent years, it has been celebrated occasionally at other parts of the Maram. Based on Lunar Calendar (Maram agricultural Calendar), it usually takes place on the fourth day of new month Tingpuikii – March in a Leap Year/April in a regular year.

The first Three Days of the new month is considered to be observed as a prelude to the main festival of Mangkang.

Features of the Mangkang Festival.

Day one/Miitam: The first day conforms the ceremonial arrival of the new month and the new day is known as Miitam which is observed every first day of the new month. (Between the departure of old month and arrival of new month there is a gap in between known as Kaliimra -a day ahead of Miitam. With the observance of Kaliimra Manai, male villagers go to jungles in search of Tiiking-ting, a particular tree of which bark and stems after properly pounded is used for fishing to poison the river water.)

On Miitam, male folks would go for community fishing either in groups, zones or whole village to be returned the following day except for the younger ones. It is taboo for Maram Khullen women to take part in this particular community fishing the practice of which is different from other villagers or tribes.

Day two/Miila-Kasa: The fishing party returns in the morning with the catch and the bounties are shared to neighbours especially to aged-old widows/widowers. This act is known as MIILA-HA. Thus, one important aspect associated with this feastive spirit is the traditional ways of sharing one’s resources generously with others. Women folks are seen engaging over their looms or some needle-work so as to hush-up their preparation before the Mangkang Day.

Day three/Miila: The observance of Miila begins with the ritual offering of food known as Sara-kok to the supreme God. Early in the morning, housewives of every home or oldest women performed oblation ceremony by offering (in very small amount) fresh cooked rice with salt or slice of chicken on an unblemished banana leave and placed in the co-joined small basket-racks (Rajii-kokna). It is note worthy to observe that the food to be offered is kept at the right-hand-side of the structural house with the rice taken out from the first part of the pot before it is served to anyone else and the part of the chicken from its right-hand-side body portion. This is the symbolic act of offering and invoking the Almighty for the prosperity of wealth.

Besides fetching water & firewood, the day witnesses rare activity of women of that period in cleaning house hold works and kitchen wares. This day is considered auspicious as utensils like old-wooden spoon, the three-cooking stones etc. are replaced by new ones. In popular parlance, it heralds the beginning of the new and passing of the old.

From this day on, the next 3 days or until Miiru is observed even pounding of paddy meant for rice-beer, engagement in paddy fields and weaving activities are restricted.

Popular diets on Miila are mostly limited to chicken and sea foods (fish, snails, water insects). It is genna to consume vegetables except for ginger.

These acts of observations with restriction are believed to help prepared Marams in the past to observe the festival with purity and dignity as their lives depended on the framing process.

Further, as it is also the countdown for the next day’s Mangkang, women are found busy in getting ready with their costumes –earrings (Hiibui), wristlets/bracelets, bangles, necklaces etc. and other woven attires. The upper or surface portions of the ears are pierced for hanging baikuinei (black threads that connects both the ears and passed below the chin).

Day four/Mangkang: There is excitement and anticipations as young girls look forward to showcase their wonderful sights, sounds and tastes in colourful traditional attires in all its sheer grandeur. Festivities go on throughout the day in leisure, eating and drinking at several places in groups. Around noontime girls go to the village wells to take bath. Attired in colourful traditional finery and costumes in full zeal and fervour, young girls are seen going round the village in singing meaningful sequence of songs and the village wears a festive look. It is a sight to behold as they wear woven attires according to the ranks and age in the society.

Women married within that year and her friends are accorded courteous reception and treated with rice-beer, festive food menu to their delights (Miitek) at her husband’s house. Then she is decked in her traditional finery and proceeded to Raliiki (spinster’s dormitory). Soon they are joined by other groups and take out a procession in singing till they converge at the traditional picturesque Psii-ha pung/dance playground. The various zones of women groups: Magaimei, Bungnamei, Lamkhana, Kagamna, Kasiim-N’Jangmei will march from their respective directions and occupy the arena in traditionally separate. It is taboo for elder women (except those married ones within that year) and males to step in the playground. As such, it is a common sight for young bachelors/boys struggling to climp up the trees that surround the Psii-ha pung in their efforts to have the glimpse of the beautiful ladies.

With the grand confluence, Psii-ha pung ground becomes a riot of sheer grandeur with different peer groups waiting for their turn to perform.

As the young girls set out to dance, other folk members of the group will cheer in chanting thePsii-ha (dance) song “Ai lou mei …!!!

The initiative and enthusiasm in their displays and representation with the vigorous and harmonious steps showing unity among dancers’ best exemplified the true essence of Mangkang. As the platform offers occasion to climb the ladder of social recognition that prompted young girls to capture the audience’s attraction, during the course of Psii-ha (dance), there is an exchange of feelings and competitive spirit between the peer groups. As the momentum of the competition gears up, the indulgence of dancers reach climax to the extend that ornaments like necklaces are seen worn off and tear down. Then, voicing out their feelings as part of outshining others, songs of competing each other are repeatedly exchanged.

So that the apparent intense situation may not turn ugly, men folks intervene and guide their “sisters” to their own respective directions in voicing the sounds of festive yelling and howling-Miigu, by which time it is almost dark.

Those women married within that year spend this night with friends at the spinster’s dormitory with their sleeping platform separately arranged. This is a symbolic gesture of bidding farewell to the married ones.

Festive food items and drinks are brought to the dormitory, shared and consumed. They enjoy and sing till late at night. Left over foods was thrown away.

The Mangkang Psii-ha/Dance was to the past Maram Young Girls, what Miss Contest is to the present day. Intricate pictures of her beauty, dancing acumen, talents, decency, temperament and other characters that an ideal girl should possess are keenly observed. It is believed that young bachelors who are gathered as spectators look out for their brides. If found one, marriage proposal is made in the month of Pung-Ngii kii /July (rich ones) and in taroukiii / September (poor ones). Wedlock takes place in kapok-kii/ January.

Male villagers are to remain in chaste at the Mangkang Night as immediately the following day (Tingpui-Miiru) hunting expedition will be undertaken.

Day five/Tingpui-Miiru: This auspicious day is believed to be observed as feast of purification and sanctification of village male members. Early in the morning before dawn, male members would go to the village springs to take bath and clean their hunting weapons. On their return, water is brought for the younger ones in the jars made of bitter gourd and wash them at home. The large wooden sleeping platform at the Morung (Riihangki-Male’s dormitory) is also cleansed with the water. Thus another characteristic involved with this feast is the symbolic cleansing, renewal/revival and keeping of oneself pure for the entire year.

When the rituals of Miitek, an act in which the dried meat of wild animal preserved in basket rack is shared & consumed and N’tek that offers wine to the supreme God by pouring out wine from cups are performed, male members enjoy Ajao Maha (drinking) at the Morung. Even the young ones who have registered members to the Morung institution at the last Kanghi-malem are also symbolically offered ‘drops’ of wine.

Women are prohibited to fetch water or crossed the village path to be taken by male folks before they leave the village for hunting. In stringent form, carry-basket that hangs from the women head for fetching water, firewoods etc. is strictly prohibited. Even the house wife to whose house the Morung is attached is restricted from the threshold of the Morung.

Hunting fame is carried out in groups, zones or whole village. When a haunted animal is brought to the village, attempt is made to share the meat. Here again, we notice the similar characteristic of community fishing that features sharing of resources.

The head portion is brought to the Morung. Making sure that the skull is not cut into pieces, after boiling the meat in the pot, the skulled is preserved to adorn the Morung house.

It is significant to mark that the housewife to whose house the Morung was attached acts as a co-performer and plays a crucial role throughout the hunting ceremony. If wild animal is hunted down easily or in no time, it was believed the housewife must have observed rituals properly and vice-versa.

In the event of not able to haunt animal on the first day, the expedition is carried on for days as it was believed until he gets his prey it would bring bad omen to the village and it undermines the skill of warrior ship. In those days of forefathers, the practice of warfare/head-hunting was inevitable as their survival depended on it. Throughout the expedition, it is genna to engage in paddy fields and the villagers are to remain in chaste.

This year’s traditional Mangkang took place on the 4th day of the new month TINGPUIKII which falls on 26th March at Maram Khullen and its replica with other features of enrichment will be held from 27 – 30th April (TINGPUIKII) 2012.

This article based on findings by MARAM STUDENTS’ UNION (MKS) over its 3 (three) weeks of intensive consultations with village elders is a bid to document in an attempt to preserve and rediscover the Pearls that are imbedded in our culture which we have inherited from our fore-fathers. It depicts the ancestral life styles in its originality and reminds the youngsters that fore-fathers had a very serious perspective to what festival meant. Today with the populace almost entirely embracing Christianity, we find cultural practices and belief being partially distorted the legacy of the glorious past. Nevertheless, traditions, customs, socio-ethical values and other practices live on in the life of the people.

The Students’ Body invites constructive suggestions and contributions in its documentation process so as to enable the younger generations see the completeness of traditional values and practices and encourage them to go back to their roots.

(PUNGDI P CELESTINE)
President
Maram Students’ Union (MKS)

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/04/mangkang-the-premier-festival-of-maram-women-folks/

Imphal City: Trial and Error Syndrome

By Rajkumar Bobichand A city reflects how civilized, cultured and developed the society is.  It… more »

By Rajkumar Bobichand
A city reflects how civilized, cultured and developed the society is.  It also further reflects how eco-friendly and people-friendly the city is. We all know that cities have complex systems for sanitation, utilities, land usage, housing and transportation. The concentration of development greatly facilitates interaction between people and businesses, creating numerous business commuters travelling to urban centres for employment, benefiting both parties in the process.

That is why policy makers, city managers and their agents, in many parts of the world, at their level best keep their cities not only neat and clean but also eco-friendly and convenient  not only to the civic populace but also to the visitors from outside the city.

The legislation of Manipur Municipalities (Cleanliness and Sanitation) Bye-Law 2011 is a good decision. The effort to keep Imphal, the capital city of Manipur neat and clean by announcing the enforcement of  the Imphal Municipal Council Bye-Law (Cleanliness and Sanitation) 2011 by the Chairman of the Imphal Municipal Council on 8 April 2012 after its publication in the State Gazette is quite natural.  This step follows after the failure of the drive against improper disposal which was conducted as a part of Zero Garbage Campaign which was taken up by the Imphal Municipal Council in 2010. The Zero Garbage Campaign was launched by chief minister Okram Ibobi on August 12, 2010 with aim of creating awareness among the people to keep Imphal city neat and clean. The authority claimed that the “Zero Garbage” campaign was not effective enough on account of lack of understanding on the part of the people. Here a number of logical questions come up. Has the authority introspected about the failure and studied not to repeat the same? Why there is a lack of understanding on the part of the people? Are the public who are part of the aged old culture of maintaining hygiene by dumping organic wastes into lukhaak koms (dumping pits) and using amaangsangs (toilets) maintained at their homes becoming unhygienic? Are the civic populace and commuters of Imphal city too irresponsible to keep their city neat and clean?

Now, in another trial and error method in addition to the irregular traffic regulation, the Imphal Municipal Council’s four vehicles fitted with bells would pick up waste materials and garbage from Paona Keithel and Thangal Keithel every morning and evening with effect from 9 April. The authority also asked the populace that each shop should keep two dust bins, including one of green colour; Waste materials which can be used as manure after decaying should be put in the green dust bin; Other wastes which are non-perishable should be kept in the other dust bin; and Shopkeepers should put both the dust bins in the IMC`s pick-up vehicles when they come for their daily rounds.

To keep the order, it has also been announced that those people who violate the law would be punished. Under the bye-law, anyone found littering or disposing waste materials, at unsuitable places would be pulled up with the help of police and penalised by imposing fine. Similar punishment would be imposed against people found urinating, bathing, feeding cattle, washing vehicles or doing laundry or defecating at improper places.

BUT the big question is – Have the city managers constructed enough toilets and dustbins at proper places where people can easily access. There are no enough toilets and dustbins at proper places in and around the Khwairamband Keithel including Paona Keithel and Thangal Keithel. The gallies remain substituting public toilets and the roads still functioning as dustbins in Imphal City. The policy makers and city managers must clearly understand that sanitation is the key to keep a city neat and clean. Just making a law and the announcement to enforce it would not bring miracle.  A holistic approach with concrete and proper planning is necessary.

Again, under the law, person(s) who disposed waste products at improper places can be detained by any person and be handed over to the authority of the Imphal Municipality Council or to the nearby police. But when it come into reality, it will create more misunderstanding s amongst public even may lead to crime. 

The prolonged construction of the sewerage system makes the city dustier and dirtier than the disposing of waste solids at improper places. The traffic regulation plays a key role in keeping a city neat and clean, eco-friendly and people friendly. But the present irregular traffic regulations going on trial and error basis without proper study and planning makes the city more chaotic by creating more inconveniences to the public. 

The policy makers and city managers of Imphal and their agents should understand that it is not an infrastructural change which can be made by force if you have space and money even though the public resist. Nevertheless, to bring about a change in the society, to keep Imphal City neat and clean needs infrastructures which will constitute major part of the context.  Because change is the most difficult process which people resist most of the time. Change needs to be brought about over time through a holistic approach. Because attitude, behaviour and context are inseparably interconnected. To help the people change their attitude and behaviour of disposing waste products and urinating in public places, proper infrastructures at proper places should be constructed and maintained as good as opening toll tax collection centres and parking areas to collect taxes.  It is time to give up the trial and error syndrome.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/04/imphal-city-trial-and-error-syndrome/