Naga – Page 2 – Manipur News

Re-Imagining Manipur: Post-Churachandpur Narrative – Sira Kharay

As the deadly flames in the hills of Manipur refuse to die down, Manipur this time is surely confronting a decisive battle of political metamorphosis. Manipur never before has witnessed

As the deadly flames in the hills of Manipur refuse to die down, Manipur this time is surely confronting a decisive battle of political metamorphosis. Manipur never before has witnessed such enormity of tribal awakening since the history of its accession into the Indian Union. While the consciousness of the hill tribals is rapidly shaping into an ominous narrative of concrete ethnic political assertion, Imphal valley is still patching up its bits of imagination as to where it must redirect its idea of Manipur. For better or for worst, the overall political content of the simmering agitation is likely to recast the idea of Manipur forever.

The eruption was inevitable. The hills have long been simmering with deep sense of historical injustice against institutional bias and oppressive majoritarian politics at the whims of the valley. The hurried passing of the three controversial ILP Bills bypassing the mandate of the Manipur Legislative Assembly (Hill Areas Committee) Order, 1972 ignited the spark. Thereafter, the shocking use of live bullets in the hills and rubber bullets in the valley leading to the outrageous killing of 9 tribal civilians at CCPur enraged the hill tribals to the point of no return. It has already attracted national as well as international attention and the intensity of the agitation has turned even more dramatic with the Young Paite Association public boycotting and banishing its tribal MLAs.

While the State Government is still reluctant to come up with any groundbreaking concession to resolve the issue, the assertion of the hills is no longer so much about the amendment of the three controversial ILP Bills now and no degree of amendment whatsoever is likely to quell the unleashing strive. Total separation from the valley has become the rallying cry of the hills with the renewed assertion of ethnic Northeast “will” for distinct identity as the ideological subtext, i.e. Northeast may be in India but only without actually being Indian. The driving perception is that Imphal valley will someday come up again with its demands for Hill State and ST status and thus the possibility for co-existence has altogether disappeared.

Amidst this political turmoil, as Imphal valley grapples with its lack of regional imagination and continues to articulate its ethnic interest in a hyperbole adversarial to other ethnic communities, Manipur is fast isolating itself from the rest of Northeast ethnic communities. Mizoram Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla, Former Lok Shaba Speaker PA Sangma and Nagaland Chief Minister T. R. Zeliang joining the chorus against the Government of Manipur is critical. In the backdrop of this emerging regional implication, the need of the hour is drastic policy rethink rather than indulging in a petty political spat. However, like Assam, Manipur seemed to have already sold its pulse of Northeast sense to political puppetry.

What is problematic is not in what the valley asserts in reclaiming its indigenous identity, but in the banality of defining the idea of Manipur on the basis of territory rather than from its historical memories and ethnic imageries. In other words, Manipur’s pathological inability to define its interest without upsetting and appropriating the rights of other communities is construed as anti-Northeast in the context of the larger Northeast-common-interest narrative. Be that as it may, Imphal valley’s obsession with the physical “post-accession Manipur” remains a challenge to common Northeast quest for re-righting the past historical injustices.

Manipur needs to be reminded that the widening ethnic rift between the hills and the valley is particularly a post-Indian-accession experience. Ethnic conflict characteristically for that matter is not Northeast but a post-independent Indian construct. At the root of this festering problem is the arbitrary appropriation and misappropriation of ethnic communities in the carving of the Northeastern States. It is nobody’s question that Northeast was forcibly annexed. The Sixth Schedule and autonomy provisions in the Constitution have proved insufficient to quench this feeling of subjugation as the existing boundaries essentially attempt to supplant the historical identities of the subjects therein with an artificial territorial being devoid of sociological meaning and reality.

Nagas consequently have been staunchly resisting this existing political map and to them, integration of Naga ancestral territory is a non-negotiable right. Kuki-Zomi communities likewise have been demanding their own autonomous district/state and the claim gets even louder. Manipur, thus, cannot actually exist but by suppressing the rights of the Naga-Kuki-Zomi communities. However, this much is clear that ethnic harmony in the troubled Manipur would remain an elusive dream until the Nagas are freely allowed to be integrated and the demands of the Kuki-Zomi communities are fully accommodated.

It is against this backdrop that the ILP Bills per se are not the actual concerns of the hills. The Bills are merely seen as a spark – as another testimony that the hills and the valley cannot co-exist. It is about time Manipur admits its unavoidable fate for its own existential interest and more so because Manipur may risk losing Manipur itself in the long run by further clinging to the delusive idea of perpetuating the status quo. The moot question is will the existing ethno-demographic and power structure of Manipur remain the same forever? Given the sheer size of the hills and the nature of demographic unpredictability, it is more likely that the hills would sooner than later reduce Imphal valley to a mere minority.

Manipur surely must be able to comprehend this foreseeable eventuality. Resurgence of Manipur then lies not in Manipur but in Kangleipak. Manipur’s imagination must thus go back to the midnight of 28^th August, 1947 when the Dragon God Pakhangba Flag of Manipur was hoisted at Kangla and reclaim its historical identity as in consonance with the cognate narratives of its other Northeast kinsfolk.

People of Manipur Protection Bill – Lost in Translation: Linda Chhakchhuak

By Linda Chhakchhuak 07 September, 2015 Countercurrents.org Some folklore say that Manipur is land of the three brothers. They are the Meitei, Naga and the Kuki communities. But as most

Manipur police truck has been burnt down by the agitators on the road at Churachandpur
Photo: Deepak Shijagurumayum

By Linda Chhakchhuak

07 September, 2015
Countercurrents.org

Some folklore say that Manipur is land of the three brothers. They are the Meitei, Naga and the Kuki communities. But as most brotherhood stories go they inevitably ended up disagreeing and quarrelling over the inheritance left by their fathers. This myth seems to sum up the history of this troubled northeastern state of India which is once again engulfed in blood, soot and tears.

This being an age in which the information highway passes through almost every hand with a mobile phone, the war cries, chest thumping and ill conceived rumors were mass knowledge in a span of few minutes, each post more virulent than the earlier one igniting ire. Not too soon after the by now famous three Bills were passed in the Manipur Legislative Assembly on August 31, the house of a Member of Legislative Assembly (MLA) went up in flames. Homes of Manipur’s health minister Phungzathang Tonsing and five other MLAs were set afire during the protests. Eight persons died in the subsequent mob quelling actions by the state police.

The “angry mob” was people of the hills districts mad at their own tribal MLAs for not standing up against the three Bills which they claimed was a deviously diabolical game to take away their land rights and making them strangers in their own homeland.

The three Bills are The Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms (Seventh) Amendment Bill 2015 (MLRLR Bill 2015), The Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015 and The Manipur Shops and Establishments Act (Second) Amendment Bill 2015, collectively meant to be the Government of Manipur’s solution to the months long demand for implementation of Inner Line Permit system by the Meitei organizations to protect them from the high rate of influx of outsiders. The states of Mizoram, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh have the ILP system which are British enactments made for their own benefit but vaunted as a wall against assimilation from outsiders today.

Obviously the polity is so steeped in local conspiracy theory that common people have not a shred of trust left in the persons they themselves had voted to represent them. On the other hand neither did the representatives or the Government make any effort to get public opinion before legislating on such a sensitive issue. That cost them their homes and credibility. But did people understand what they were they out in the streets for, braving bullets and death?

The MLRLR Bill 2015 clearly outlines the unenviable situation of the Meitei people, who inhabit the valley portion of the Manipur state. The state is 90 percent hills and 10 percent plains. But demography wise, the valley is packed with 60 percent of the total population of the state (27 lakhs plus). The density 731 persons as opposed to 61 persons in the hills just go to show what the valley people are up against. Under the main 1960 MRLR Act, Scheduled Tribes of the state who are native of the hills can buy land and settle down in the plains. On the other hand the plains based Meitei people are forbidden to acquire land in the hills by this same law. This same Law permits the Scheduled Tribe (ST) to sell off their lands in the valley with the provision that if they are selling it to a non-Scheduled Tribe it can be done only with the consent of the Deputy Commissioner. This would mean that if they are disposing it off to another Scheduled Tribe person, then it would not need any consent of the DC.

What seems to be happening as can be surmised from reading between the lines of the MRLR Amendment Bill 2015 is that there is an influx of ‘outsiders’, not so much as that of non-tribals from outside the state, but also of persons of affiliated kins-tribes from across the network of Kuki-Chin-Mizo community as well as Nagas from neighboring borders whether it is from Mizoram, Nagaland, Assam and Myanmar. Affiliated and based on close-knit kinship systems it is impossible to differentiate the ‘native ST’ from the ‘outsider Tribes’ in the state where the buying and selling of land may be happening. This is a cause of concern for the valley inhabitants of the Meitei heritage, who are struggling to keep their ancestral lands from slipping away right under their noses. They are a beleaguered people hemmed in by dozens of problems, the least of them being officially categorized as “non-tribal” , settled on the fulcrum of a tribal volcano of resentment. (Long ago they refused to be clubbed under the category of “Tribe” which they want reversed now but it is another complicated
story.)

Instead of directly dealing with the issue of influx, the MRLR (Seventh) Amendment Bill2015 seeks to curtail this transfer by invoking sale against the “Non Manipur Person”(NMP). The amendment is to ‘regulate the sale of land to Non Manipur Persons of the state so that the limited land in the valley is available to the permanent residents of the state in the interests of the general public.” From now on any sale and transfer of land in the valley to Non Manipur Persons of the state, firms, institutions or any other entities intending to purchase land will be done only after getting state government approval. This is actually a cry for space and the plight of the growing population of Meitei people and the other non-tribal residents of the tiny valley jostling for space with the Scheduled tribe people who have the upper hand as far as the right to buy or sell land in the state is concerned.

The MRLR (Seventh) Amendment 2015 is supported by The Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015. The objective of this Bill is to regulate the entry and exit of Non Manipur Persons and tenants. It defines who are the “Manipur People” in Clause 2 section (b) which says “b) “Manipur people” means Persons of Manipur whose name are in the National Register of Citizens, 1951 Census Report 1951 and Village Directory of 1951 and their descendants who have contributed to the collective social, cultural and economic life of Manipur;. This is the clause which has raised mayhem among the Kuki affiliate tribes and the Nagas who say, rightly, that during the early fifties there was hardly any infrastructure or government presence capable of capturing the whole population of the region in a register.

But these misgivings should have melted as the Bill carries a caveat in Paragraph 8 which unequivocally states that the persons to be exempted under the provisions of this Bill are “the native people of the state of Manipur.” The Bill does not give details about this, but going by definition by the heavyweight expert on Manipur, T C Hodson it refers to the Meitei, Kuki and Naga of the state.

Predictably, politicians of all hues and categories from the inside the state and the neighboring regions of Manipur have lost no time in fishing in troubled waters of Manipur. They should know better as the same equations of conflict are just a spark away in their own homes and states.

(Linda Chhakchhuak is an independent Journalist and anthropologist, based in Shillong, Meghalaya)

Who is a Meitei ? – Yumnam Devjit

Who is a Meitei ? As a young boy I was always troubled by the question of, who am I? And like all of us from Manipur who studied outside,

Festival Of the Gods – Lai Harouba

Who is a Meitei ?

As a young boy I was always troubled by the question of, who am I? And like all of us from Manipur who studied outside, the problem was made worse by the constant taunts of ill mannered school/college mates; Chinky, Chinese, Nepali, Japanese, Chimpu. These were the common identity given to us. These comments made me angry and resolute to find out who I was? What was Manipur? Who are the Meiteis? School text books offered no help either, there wasn’t any mention of Manipur anywhere in history. I had to find it out on my own.

First of all let me put this straight, no matter what language we speak, what color our skin is or what religion we are. We are all Homo sapiens, one specie.

There is a theory called “out of Africa theory”. It proposes that man evolved from apes into humans (Homo sapiens) in Africa and moved from Africa to the rest of the world. These migrations were done as families or group of families. Whichever group wanted to move on, moved on and which ever wanted to stay at a place stayed and became the natives of the place. The natives of Andaman Islands the Jarawas were one of the groups who went out from Africa and they settled in the Andaman Islands. Their relative isolation has left them unchanged in features and culture from the tribes of Africa.

During this time of migration Manipur was submerged under a sea called the Tethys Sea. Due to this, Manipur never had any original out of Africa settlers. However later on as the Indian subcontinent began to push into Asia the land began to rise and the sea gradually disappeared and gave way to mountain chains, in what is now the north east India.

As habitable land began to emerge in these places, the region was claimed by 2 major groups. The Tibeto Chinese tribes coming from the north and the Thai tribes from the east. The southernmost settlements of the Tibeto Chinese tribes were the northern hills of Manipur and the western most settlements of the Thai tribes were the territories of the Khasis. Drawing a straight line through the middle of the overlapping regions of the tribes, those settling to the north of this line were Tibeto Chinese tribes and south of it were the Thai tribes.

In our quest to find the history of ourselves I and my sisters went to Kangla, when it was still under the control of the Assam rifles. No civilians were allowed in at the time. We went in with the help of an uncle who was in Manipur rifles. In there we saw the Kanglasha still in ruins, the seven ponds of the seven salai and also the place where the puya was burnt. After that we came across an old man with long beard dressed in white with his long hair tied in a knot. Sitting under a huge mango tree he was eating green mango with mint and green chili. He looked like a Maichou we read about in old meitei books, a spiritual man of vast knowledge. We went up to him and asked “pupu kangla gi matang da wari khara libi o” .My elder sister was our leader , she had lots of energy and enthusiasm in searching the history of Manipur.

Occasionally taking a bite of his mango he told us a story of how Kangla got its name and why it is the most sacred place in Manipur.

When our forefathers first came to this land, there was no Imphal valley, only a big lake. They all settled in the hills. But during this time in the whole of Imphal valley one place was dry. This dry land was kangla. The name kang meaning dry and la meaning land. Because of this reason it was regarded as the most sacred place. Whoever controlled kangla was considered to be the most powerful group in Manipur. Later on the water gradually receded and more dry land emerged and they started settling in these newly emerged dry land. The different pats, Keisam pat, Lamphel pat, Khongham pat, etc were the reminiscent of the earlier Tethys Sea.

With this new knowledge we went home satisfied and got a good scolding from our parents for wondering off on our own.

As for our forefathers more and more of them started settling in the Imphal valley and 7 different groups were formed, the seven salai namely: Mangang, Luwang, Khuman, Sarang-Leisangthem, Moirang, Kha-Nganba and Angom. Around 14000 BC, a powerful leader by the name of Pakhangba conquered all the seven salais. And name the new united groups as “Meitei”.

In simpler words Meitei was formed by the unification of Tibeto Chinese and Thai tribe of Manipur 16000 years ago. The Tibeto Chinese tribes are the tribes we now know as the Nagas and the Thai tribes are the tribes we now know as Kuki.

The very word Meitei is synonymous with unity. The identity of various tribes vanish as we try to find a single race behind it. Meitei is not a one race, diversity is the very fabric on which Meitei originates.

The story of Meitei does not end there. I have heard stories that Kabui were supposed to be the 8^th salai of Meitei and that coming of Hinduism created problems in that happening. I would argue that as of now meitei consist of 9 salai and not just 7. The two others being Bamon and Pangan. It is said that the clan Nongmeikapam were originally Muslims who were proficient in using firearms and later on got assimilated into one of the Meitei salai.

In my search I also found that Yumnam the sagei to which I belong although categorized as Mangang were not in the original Mangang salai. We were assimilated into Meitei fold later on. Earlier we were considered as Hao/non meitei. My looks support the story…. Ha ha. Meiteis originated from the fore fathers of Nagas and Kukis.

We are at a very critical juncture in the fate of Manipur. Are we going to destroy each other? Naga vs Meitei,Meitei vs Kuki, Kuki vs Naga. Or unite as one and take Manipur into the future as a symbol of what unity can achieve. Our forefathers did it 16000 years ago and resulted in Meitei. We don’t need another Pakhangba to unite us, we just need to let love guide us and crush all feelings of hatred plaguing us. Bigger problems lurk just around the corner which threatens the whole of humanity, climate change, end of oil, war, religious conflict and what not. Let’s face them together as one and secure a bright future for our next generation.

If a hand full of tribes from naga and kuki unite to form the rich and diverse culture we see in Meitei, imagine what will happen if the whole of Naga, Kuki and Meitei unite to form a ‘new race’ of people.

There would be nothing we can’t achieve.

This is the time to unite as ONE.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/08/who-is-a-meitei/

In-depth thinking and political wisdom crucial to solving Naga problem

By Oken Jeet Sandham Almost all the people and even those who have been so closely associated with leaders of the NSCN(IM) for years in working to find solution to

By Oken Jeet Sandham

Almost all the people and even those who have been so closely associated with leaders of the NSCN(IM) for years in working to find solution to the decades old Naga political issue have been caught napping when the Government of India has inked the “Framework Agreement” with the NSCN (IM) on August 3, 2015 at Delhi. The low profile event of the high profile Indo-Naga issue has been arranged at the residence of the Prime Minister Narendra Modi at his 7 Race Course Road, Delhi in his presence along with his Home Minister Rajnath Singh, Interlocutor to Naga talks RN Ravi, National Security Adviser Ajit Doval, and also many top ranking NSCN (IM) leaders.

According to report, NSCN (IM) General Secretary Th Muivah and Chairman Isak Chishi Swu on behalf of the organization and RN Ravi representing the Government of India signed the agreement. Soon after this agreement, breaking news of this event came in all the TV Channels from Delhi and all the online editions of the National Papers. Hundreds of people in Nagaland and its neighbouring States were taken aback by the sudden announcement of the agreement as none of them expected that such an agreement would be signed so soon particularly the manner in which they did it, though many of them had some clues that some development between the Government of India and the NSCN (IM) would take place.

Soon after the news of the “Framework Agreement” broke out, there were mix reactions and confusions among the people including the Naga people themselves. Such confusion is bound to happen, and of course naturally, when the Government of India has suddenly entered into such historic agreement with the NSCN (IM) without having given any pre-information of such significance to the Naga leaders including Nagaland Chief Minister, other stakeholders. Although some said that it is “Preamble,” it would have been more logical had the Government of India and the NSCN (IM) given pre-information to the public before signing the agreement, because the Naga issue has been dragging on for decades. However, the parties have been cautious in handling and explaining of the nature of the agreement.

This sudden development has changed the political course now. Many have been finding hard to give their comments except welcoming the agreement, saying they are yet to see the details of the accord. On one side, the Naga people know that there are other groups not only fighting for the cause of the Nagas but also maintaining even ceasefire with the Government of India. On the other, they are worried and anxious of details of the agreement that are yet to be finalized soon, and of course, the NSCN (K) has already walked away from the ceasefire in March this year.

Now, even though it is “Framework Agreement,” Chief Ministers of the neighbouring States of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam and Manipur have already demanded the Prime Minister to make the details of the agreement public as they had suspicions that there might be some hidden agenda in it to disturb territories of their respective States as the Naga Integration issue was one of the core demands of the NSCN (IM). However, Home Minister Rajnath Singh and his Deputy Kiren Rejiju said such issues were not there now, besides saying that they (Chief Ministers of AP, Assam and Manipur) will be consulted before finalizing the details of the accord between the Government of India and the NSCN (IM).

Now the ball is in the court of the Government of India and the NSCN (IM) as to how they will move on from here, and all depends on how they act to the fast developing crucial political situation in Nagaland and its neighbouring States. One side they have to work out as to how they can take on board other Naga groups, on the other they have to see that Nagaland and its neighbouring States’ interests are protected.

Some crucial talks doing the round in the last few days after the signing of the agreement are about Nagas having a separate flag, separate currency and safeguarding their Naga customary system and land and its resources. Some of these points have already been touched by Zeliang also. When talking about safeguarding customary system and land and its resources of the Nagas living in neighbouring Arunachal Pradesh, Assam and Manipur, they are similar to the Clause (a) of the Article 371A of the Constitution of India. Some say that Article 371A should cover the Naga areas in other neighbouring States. Because when they talk of providing safeguards to their customary practices and land and its resources, provisions of protecting them are already there in the Article 371A. But the point to be noted here is that this Article 371A has come into effect as a result of the State of Nagaland Act, 1962. And all this development had happened because of the 16-Point Agreement signed between the Government of India and the then Naga People’s Convention (NPC) in 1960.
Now as this writer has already stated in his earlier write-ups that any attempt to amend Article 371A of the Constitution of India will be doing so against the very spirit of the 16-Point Agreement of 1960. It is because of this agreement that the present State of Nagaland was born as the 16th State of the Union of India in 1963.

If the Naga leaders wanted to have provisions to safeguard their land and its resources and customary systems for Nagas living in neighbouring States, they can be discussed, and if agreed upon, then they can be incorporated in the relevant Articles connecting with the respective States of the Northeast. But attempting to extend the Article 371A, which is for the State of Nagaland, to other Naga areas outside it (Nagaland) will unlikely to produce positive result. It is also not very clear whether the Chief Ministers of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam and Manipur will agree to the idea that the Nagas living in their respective States to have provisions of direct sharing of power with the Government of India as pointed out by some including Nagaland Chief Minister. They may feel that such arrangement may violate the Federal structure of the Constitution of India.

One should, however, know that there are various ways to work out for protecting the interests of Nagaland, other neighbouring States and the Naga people if the so-called contentious issues are no more there. The leaders should apply their political wisdom while working out for details of the accord. The leaders must have in-depth positive and mature thinking abilities because all actions come after thinking. David Joseph Schwartz, who was an American motivational writer and coach, best known for authoring The Magic of Thinking Big in 1959 said, “Where success is concerned, people are not measured in inches, or pounds, or college degrees, or family background; they are measured by the size of their thinking.”

Most importantly, the leaders in talks should see that any move they attempt should lead to solving the vex Naga political issue. Otherwise, it will be only a vicious circle.

Bottom Line:

In Delhi on Sunday, Nagaland Chief Minister TR Zeliang said, “I along with all Members of the Nagaland Legislative Assembly are ready to step down, if an acceptable and honorable solution is found to the Naga people, in order to make a new beginning.”

I genuinely believe such a decision should be taken after a thorough deliberation on the present development through a “Special Session of Nagaland Legislative Assembly,” so that it will be politically valid and logical. Otherwise, differences may crop up among the legislators in Nagaland and that will be a major hindrance to the process again.

No Malice No Bias Only Truth: Rejoinder to Dinesh Sharma’s “Introspection: A blog on ILP”

By: Leishangthem Dijen Apropos Dinesh Sharma’s “Introspection : A blog on ILP” published in August, 2015 in your esteem daily/news portal, Mr. Sharma’s account is really touching, no doubt. But

By: Leishangthem Dijen

Apropos Dinesh Sharma’s “Introspection : A blog on ILP” published in August, 2015 in your esteem daily/news portal, Mr. Sharma’s account is really touching, no doubt. But the matter of unchecked influx of Nepali and Bangladeshi migrants into Manipur is a fact.

We know the Nepali/Gurkha people arrived in Manipur in the 19^th century as mercenaries employed by the British Colonial power. They were stationed in Imphal as guards, for the British political agent both before and after 1891, Anglo-Manipuri war. When war broke out between the Manipuris and the British; the colonial power largely used the Nepali/Gurkha mercenaries to attack Manipur from both Burma and India front. Indeed the loyalty of the Nepali/Gurkha mercenaries to the British are known the world over. Till today Britain has maintained its Gurkha Rifles.

During the British period the mainstay of the British forces in Manipur were the Nepali/Gurkha mercenaries when the British left Manipur on August 14, 1947 not all Nepali/Gurkha mercenaries left Manipur along with the British. That was how Nepali settlement officially originated in Manipur that MK. Binodini d/o Maharaja Churachand Singh reportedly did not know as Mr. Sharma have mentioned in his write-up.

It needs to be known that when Gambhir Singh and the British made the deal to drive the Burmese out from Manipur, the limited service of the Gurkha/Nepali mercenaries were part of the deal. The British helped Manipur for their own interests and the Nepalis/Gukhas cannot claim credit for it because they were only serving the British.

Another claim that Mr. Sharma made was the nationality of “Major Subedar Niranjan Singh Chhetry”. We know that the Nepalese/Gorkha in Manipur make a strong claim that “Niranjan Subedar” was a Nepali/Gorkha”. They even observe his death anniversary. But the fact is “Niranjan Subedar” as he was lovingly known by this name, was a Hindustani.

Hindustanis both —- Brahmin and non-Brahmin, who came to Manipur from time to time became part of the Manipuri society and they become one of us, though they identify themselves as Sharma, Kshetri or Chhetry (as spelt by the Nepalese/Gurkha), Roy, etc.; Even Chinese and Kabow (Ava) were amalgamated into our society in the early period as recorded in our Puya (ancient chronicles) Indeed ours is a crucible pot like the Americans are. And there is no problem about it.

We welcome guests. We receive and entertain our guests. But we have a tiny population of around 21 lakhs consisting of native/indigenous Kuki, Meetei, Naga and Pangal (Meetei Muslim) against a total population of 1.25 billion Indians.

The estimated migrant population in Manipur is around 7 lakhs which constitutes a-fourth of the population. If this trend is not stopped the indigenous/native population of Manipur would be reduced to a minority in another 2 or 3 decades like in the case of Sikkim and Tripura. But one thing, those who came before 1951 have no problem; they become Manipuris.

Would any society or state in India or any country in the world ever accept it? This is the grim reality in Manipur today and people are fighting for their survival. Hope every right thinking human being would agree with us.

—–x—–

Read Dinesh Sharma’s article on ILP – “Introspection: A blog on ILP”

Nagaland Legislators call on Union Home Minister

NEW DELHI, July 19 (NEPS): A delegation of Ministers and Members of Legislative Assembly from Nagaland led by the Speaker of Nagaland Legislative Assembly, Chotisuh Sazo and the Chief Minister,

A delegation of Ministers and MLAs from Nagaland led by the Speaker of Nagaland Legislative Assembly, Shri Chotisuh Sazo and the Chief Minister, Nagaland, Shri T.R. Zeliang, calling on the Union Home Minister, Shri Rajnath Singh, in New Delhi on July 17, 2015.
The Union Home Secretary, Shri L.C. Goyal, the Interlocutor for Naga peace talks and Chairman, Joint Intelligence Committee, Shri R.N. Ravi and the Joint Secretary (NE), MHA, Shri Shambhu Singh are also seen.

NEW DELHI, July 19 (NEPS): A delegation of Ministers and Members of Legislative Assembly from Nagaland led by the Speaker of Nagaland Legislative Assembly, Chotisuh Sazo and the Chief Minister, T.R. Zeliang, called on the Union Home Minister, Rajnath Singh here on 17th July and discussed different Naga Political issues.
The delegation comprising the entire political spectrum of Nagaland, mentioned about their firm commitment to the Naga Peace process. The delegation hoped for an early settlement of the issue as according to them different civil society groups and people of Nagaland want peace.

Rajnath Singh, after hearing different members of the delegation stated that the Government of India is committed to maintain peace in the state as well as in the North Eastern region and will extend all necessary help in this regard.

Singh stated that the Government of India is committed for peace, prosperity, stability and the same is desired by the people of Nagaland. He mentioned that the unilateral abrogation of ceasefire by NSCN (K) has caused pain and concern to the people of Nagaland and the authorities in the state and at the Centre. The Home Minister expressed satisfaction on the steps being taken by the state government and stated that there should be no atmosphere of fear psychosis among the people.
Earlier, the delegation called on the Minister of State for Home Affairs, Kiren Rijiju and discussed the issues with him.
The Union Home Secretary, L.C. Goyal, the Interlocutor for Naga peace talk and Chairman, Join Intelligence Committee, R.N. Ravi and Shambhu Singh, Joint Secretary (NE), MHA also attended the meeting.

Manipur Ambush: Exclusive Photos from 4th June Ambush site in Chandel Manipur

Kanglaonline exclusive photo coverage from ground zero at ambush site, Parolon in Manipur’s Chandel district. By Deepak Shijagurumayum. A misleading calm hung over leafy Parolon in Manipur’s Chandel district on Friday 5th

Kanglaonline exclusive photo coverage from ground zero at ambush site, Parolon in Manipur’s Chandel district.

By Deepak Shijagurumayum.

Villagers roaming around with air gun at the ambush site at Paorolon, Chandel District, Manipur. Photo by Deepak Shijagurumayum.

A misleading calm hung over leafy Parolon in Manipur’s Chandel district on Friday 5th June, 2015, 24 hours after 18 soldiers of the 6 Dogra Regiment were gunned down here in an ambush by militants from three different groups – NSCN(K), KYKL and KCP.

6th Dogra Regiment’s truck ambushed by militants at Paorolon, Chandel District, Manipur. Photo by Deepak Shijagurumayum.

A live Improvised Explosive Device (IED), placed inside a pressure cooker, lay on the side of the road, about 20 km away from the Myanmar border, with parrot green sandbags placed in front to mark the area. The handful of soldiers guarding the spot halted the little traffic filtering in, sending them back. They were waiting for the bomb disposal squad.

IED bomb was implanted in a pressure cooker to ambush the Indian Army by militants at Paorolon, Chandel District, Manipur. Photo by Deepak Shijagurumayum.

“The bomb is still live. We arrived after the incident was over and have been here ever since. We are conducting searches. But the insurgents could very well have left for Myanmar. It’s difficult,’’ said a soldier from 6 Dogra Regiment.

Chinese made hand granade which was found at the ambush site at Paorolon, Chandel District, Manipur. Photo by Deepak Shijagurumayum.

Next to the IED lay an grenade that’s yet to be defused and the remains of the battle day before — the skeletons of two completely charred trucks, and two empty burnt RPG shells.

6th Dogra Regiment’s truck ambushed by militants at Paorolon, Chandel District, Manipur. Photo by Deepak Shijagurumayum.

On 5th June, New York Times reported: “At least 20 soldiers were killed and 11 are injured,” said Col. Rohan Anand, an army spokesman in New Delhi. “The army convoy was first blasted using improvised explosive devices followed by rocket-propelled grenades and small-arms fire.”

Uniform of one of the deceased Indian Army at Paorolon, Chandel District, Manipur. photo by Deepak Shijagurumayum.

Exclusive photo coverage gallery from ground zero at ambush site, Parolon in Manipur’s Chandel district:

NSCN/GPRN, KYKL and KCP welcome ‘Joint Assault’ team

IMPHAL, June 9: Three senior leaders of the NSCN/GPRN, KYKL and KCP representing each organisations namely KCP president Ksh Laba Meitei, KYKL chairman N Oken and NSCN/ GPRN

IMPHAL, June 9: Three senior leaders of the NSCN/GPRN, KYKL and KCP representing each organisations namely KCP president Ksh Laba Meitei, KYKL chairman N Oken and NSCN/ GPRN chaplee Kilonser Starson accorded `a warm victory reception`™ to the Joint Assault Team that returned after the June 4 attack on the 6 Dogra Regiment, said a joint statement of the three outfits.

The joint statement made available to the media houses was signed by PRO NSCN/ GPRN Col Isak Sumi, dy secretary Publicity and Research, KYKL Th Thoiba and member-in-charge Information and Publicity, KCP S Mangal.

It said the reception was also attended by army chiefs of KCP, KYKL, and Col Isak Sumi of NSCN/GPRN.

Further according to the statement, the event was rather sombre for the losses of the unit commander, Maj Rajanglung of Naga Army and Cpl Amit alias Keisham Rajen, 27, son of K Khamba of Nongdren Maning Leikai, of KYKL during and after the battle.

It said `Late Maj Raza was hit by an enemy mortar shell in the battlefield and Late Cpl. Amit breathed his last on the way to a safer place from the battle, probably, due to heart failure.`

`The KYKL authorities were not aware of any sign of such latent ailment and he had not lodged any health complaint. The report that his dead body bore bullet marks is totally baseless,` it claimed.

The statement further said `If it happens to be a report given out by concerned Indian forces, it is nothing but a shameless lie.`

`Maj. Raza was not only valiant and tactical in battles, but also prudent and judicious politically. His acumen for combat plan could ensure easy success and his tactical guidelines for retreat could save the rest of his team even after his sudden demise. His death is an irreparable loss to the NSCN/GPRN organization and Naga national movement. Cpl. Amit was friendly to all and jolly to a fault. His commitment to the revolutionary struggle and cheerfulness in times of hardships could elevate the sagging morale of everybody. The vacuum caused by his death cannot be filled up easily.`

The joint statement also said the victory of the combined team `is a landmark step towards Naga Meitei unified struggle for WESEA against Indian colonialism and this particular event further forges the camaraderie spirit between the two struggling communities.`

The Elite Unit offered condolence salute to their departed comrades and the gathering observed two-minute silence in honour of the martyred souls, it said.

“Center has will & guts to solve Naga issue”: Acharya

By Oken Jeet Sandham KOHIMA, Sep 11 (NEPS): Governor of Nagaland PB Acharya said the 17 year long Naga peace process was quite long and people had suffered enough. “Enough

By Oken Jeet Sandham

***File Photo

KOHIMA, Sep 11 (NEPS): Governor of Nagaland PB Acharya said the 17 year long Naga peace process was quite long and people had suffered enough. “Enough is enough,” he said during a massive press conference held here at his official residence, Kohima Raj Bhavan on Thursday.

The Governor said the Narendra Modi Government at the Center was determined to solve the long drawn out Naga politic issue once and for all. “People have suffered enough; they want solution and enough is enough,” he said adding “the Central Government has the will and guts to solve the Naga problem.”

He said he came to know that the NSCN (IM) and some Naga civil societies had reacted to the appointment of retired Special Director of Intelligence Bureau RN Ravi as the new interlocutor for resumption of Center-NSCN (IM) talks.

Some Naga organizations including Naga Hoho said Nagaland needs a neutral interlocutor without any prejudices and Ravi’s recent article ‘Nagaland: decent into chaos’ has clearly exposed his bent of mind and his preset notions of different Naga underground groups.

Acharya said Ravi wrote that particular article before but he had been appointed by the Modi Government as new interlocutor for resumption of political negotiations with Naga underground groups. So naturally he had to conduct political talks with the Naga underground people in line with the Modi Government’s genuine desire of expediting and resolving the protracted Naga issue.

Making an emphatic appeal to the Naga people to give a chance to him and let him start resuming political talks, Acharya asserted Ravi’s appointment as new interlocutor for the resumption of political negotiations with Naga political groups was the manifestation of the Narendra Modi Government’s genuine desire to expedite the peace process and find solution at the earliest. “Towards this objective, I want your (media) cooperation and the people’s cooperation,” the Governor added.

Inner Line Permit

By C. Doungel When a smaller entity gets merged to a bigger entity, it will face danger of losing its identity though it will have the advantage of belonging to

By C. Doungel

When a smaller entity gets merged to a bigger entity, it will face danger of losing its identity though it will have the advantage of belonging to a bigger one. Manipur’s position is similar. The advantage it gets after merger, of protection or employment in small measure etc is offset by the threat to its identity which always looms large. The main reason behind demanding for Inner Line Permit is guided by this genuine fear. Manipur being a princely state which was theoretically independent, regulated the entry of outsiders in a simple way through issue of pass instead of issuing passports/visa, as maintenance of foreign office would be too cumbersome. Side by side, Inner Line Permit was in vogue in tribal areas like Chin Hills, Lushai Hills, Naga Hills etc under Bengal Frontier regulation of 1873. Both were thus loosely understood as Inner Line Permit despite the subtle differences. The so called Inner Line Permit or regulation of entry of outsiders having become irrelevant after merger of Manipur to India, was abolished.

Be that as it may, influx of Indians from other states and illegal immigrants from Nepal and Bangladesh has, over the years swamped the local population of the state. As for Nepalese, their immigration dates back to British rule when recruitment of large number of them was made in the Army. Even now, they form a sizable chunk of the Indian Army. When Assam Riffles was first raised, large number of Nepalese also were initially inducted. Nepalese became more aware about settling in Manipur after king Churachandra married the princess of Nepal. Further, the signing of Indo-Nepal friendship treaty giving dual citizenship which made provision for Nepalese to settle in India encouraged their settlement. Of late, Nepalies have suffered undue harassment from Naga, Meitei and Kuki insurgents that many had left Manipur to settle in Nepal and Darjeeling district. Many with some means are in the process of winding up and migrating that the question of more new comers does not arise now. Their population has drastically dwindled. Mention is also made of Chin-Kuki people migrating from Burma (Mynmaar). It may be mentioned that in the sixties and seventies when Kukis, unable to bear harassment by Naga insurgents joined Mizo National Front movement. But that in turn invited operation by Army with a strong hand that many left Manipur and took shelter in Burma. This was possible because nearly two lakh Kukis live in Sagaing Division from Kabaw Valley right up to Thungdut area, outside Chin Hills state. In fact, till 1980 there used to be a provision in Manipur State budget for resettlement of Kuki refugees returning to Manipur which was provided by central government.

It will thus be seen that illegal foreign immigrants comprises mostly of Muslims from Bangladesh and Burma. The later would not be so numerous. Those coming from Bangladesh would form the bulk. Much as we would want to introduce Inner Line Permit yet it appears that the same needs central government approval. That was the reply the previous Home Minister of India gave to the state government. While the pressure for Inner Line Permit may continue to convince the Central government, the state government should not rest with that. Instead of allowing mobs to take the law into their own hand, the state government can surely intensify checks at all entry points and vulnerable places. It can open cells or appoint task forces in the Home Department or in the districts for detection of foreigners, who may even do mapping in suspected areas to make detection more effective. Foreigners detected can be tried under Foreigners act and deported. The government must however have political will regardless of consideration of vote bank. What the people are angry is about the bankruptcy of ideas and political will, leading to apathy.

As for migrants from other states, census of such people can be conducted. No doubt, a cut-off year has to be decided. For, those who have lived for generations have to be treated as domiciles. Indiscriminate action against all migrants would amount to willful harassment. As of today most of them are deprived of their fundamental rights and for obvious reasons, they are simply putting up with things silently. They have no aspiration to join the civil services or the police forces but carry on with their trade. However, for those coming after cut-off year, obtaining some kind of permission for trading/business permit or engagement in skilled works like construction works etc may be prescribed. Hawkers or those engaged in menial works may be registered. Outsiders may not be allowed to purchase land in the state. Laws to this effect can be enacted. These are not exhaustive-further restrictions may be imposed as need arise. One word of caution, “do unto others as you would have others do unto you” because we also have many of our people living outside – some in employment and some in diferent occupations.

New Land use policy

The approach paper to New Land use Policy has no doubt prepared a model for development. It targets individuals, families and communities on the assumption that ownership of land is regulated by uniform land law. There will be no difficulty to implement this in the valley districts provided proper awareness is brought about. This however will not be possible at this stage in hill areas as there is no land law. Land ownership among the Kukis lies with the Chiefs while in the case of Nagas, it is vested on the elected Khullakpa. In the case of Nagas also, only those from the founding families are eligible to be Khuilakpa, which in the other words means the family who founded the village. Each family can cultivate a jhum field or orchard as allotted to them by village authority chaired by the Chief/Khullakpa. Stray cases of individual ownership as granted or allowed to be acquired by the Chief/Khullakpa exist though. Again, out of over 17000 square kilometers of Forest area in Manipur, reserved forests cover only 4000 square kilometers. The rest known as un-classed forests are village forests. Nearly 1000 square kilometers are utilized for jhuming every year. While villagers are free to extract fire wood for domestic use and timber for house building, any commercial extraction is controlled by the Chief/Khullakpa and forest department collect royalty from them. Supreme Court has however restricted commercial extraction by allowing in a planned and phase-wise manner.

In Mizoram, Chiefship was abolished in the fifties by paying due compensation to the Chiefs. That was easier because it was covered under Sixth Schedule. Mizoram or Nagaland are wholly tribal States where as in the case of Manipur, tribals live in the hill areas. Therefore, putting in a suitable land law will be more difficult under the prevailing trust deficit. Further while the task of implementing NLUP at state and district levels is more about co-ordinating and ensuring effective functioning of line departments, actual implementation at micro-village or local level will not succeed by giving the chiefs or Khullakpas mere advisory role. They are to be the pivot around which the entire implementation will rest. As owners of land, they will not like any other to usurp their authority. To cite an example, the Forest Department had notified Kailam Wild Life Sanctuary without prior consultation and payment of compensation, even if they are token ones. There is so much heart burning that they have filed case in the High Court. The New Land Use Policy amount to putting the cart before the horse. It was perhaps considered to create good impression on the Planning Commission but that has been given a burial. Implementation of New Land Use Policy can take off only when the above issues are sorted out.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2014/08/inner-line-permit/

The political uncertainty and fate of Naga political issue!

The outcome of the assembly elections in five states—Rajasthan, MP, Delhi, Chhattisgarh and Mizoram—was something frightening. The BJP has got absolute majorities in three States while in Delhi it has faced short of 4 to form the Government. In Mizoram, the Congress retained. Delhi was not only the stronghold of the Congress but also the face of the country. Delhi’s three-time powerful Congress Chief Minister Sheila Dikshit finally became the victim of the strong anti-Congress wave that had swept across the country.

However, the outcome of Delhi Assembly election has thrown uncertain political future as the single largest BJP is not prepared to stake claim to form the next Government. It has already declared that it preferred to sit in Opposition. The AAP, which decimated the Congress came second with 28 seats, said it would neither lend support to any party nor willing to seek support from any. It also said to sit in Opposition. The scenario in Delhi is increasingly clear that it may be placed under President’s Rule.

The AAP that fought on the “pro-people” and “anti-corruption” poll plank feels that it will be suicidal to form Government in Delhi by taking support either from the BJP or the Congress. But the fact is if the PR is imposed in Delhi and holding of fresh election announced, the BJP may increase its tally from the present 32 to nearly 40, while AAP may hang around the same strength they have now. Because it is an anti-Congress wave that has been sweeping across and not the anti-BJP wave. Yet, it is far more honorable for the AAP to face fresh election as it will enhance its political credibility in the eyes of the country.

The outcome of these assembly elections will definitely have major impact on the upcoming Lok Sabha elections due early next year. This country has witnessed the activities of the Congress-led UPA Government led by Dr Singh at the Center for the last one decade. The common men across the length and breadth of the country are not fully convinced by his leadership, though he is generally considered as “Clean.” But he seemed lacking political will and courage on many occasions and not decisive. That affected his image considerably and became most unpopular Prime Minister of the country.

Scandals after scandals involving high profile and powerful Ministers in his Government had damaged his political standing and the very so-called “Clean tag” has lost its relevance along the way. Some of his Ministers landed in jails over the years.

The price rise issue is also one of the main factors to the Congress electoral debacle this time but at the same time, the rise of vociferous Narendra Modi as a national leader and making him the Prime Ministerial candidate of the main Opposition BJP also became spoilsports to the Congress in many parts of the country.

Today’s youth are more well-informed, educated, well-versed and they are not interested to live any more on the hollowness and rhetoric of politicians. They have clearly seen the weakness of their Prime Minister on many issues.

On the other hand, they have seen the kind of leadership in Modi who knows how to keep today’s youth close-knitted with his political strategies, visions and plans for the future of the country. Besides, they see in Modi that he can take the country forward. At the same time, the Western countries as well as many powerful countries started appreciating his performances as Chief Minister in Gujarat. This man is thoroughly prepared for the game and most of the Congress veterans in the country are seen finding difficulties to face him. All these factors have given political edge to him.

Modi even knows the importance of the northeastern region and its people who have also been victims of a weak leadership of the country. They would also like to see someone who can really take care of their wellbeing. One should also realize that youth of the region are equally concerned for their future. In many areas, the region is far behind than many parts of the country. We are completing 66 years of Independence and living in 21^st Century. They also want to enjoy like others.

When such a very unpredictable political scenario fast emerges, what do we think of the ongoing political dialogues between the leaders of the NSCN (IM) and the Government of India? It has been 16 years since the signing of the ceasefire agreement between them and more than 60 rounds of political talks have already been held and both sides have really narrowed down their differences over the years. They could manage to remove political glitches. This is, without doubt, a big achievement on their parts.

Out of the 16 years of peace process, the present Congress-led UPA Government has been dealing with the Naga underground leaders for the last almost 10 years. Dr Singh used to say that the solution to the protracted Naga issue would be arrived at during his tenure. It is, certainly, a welcome gesture. But in reality, it is easier said than done for the fact that the nature of the process is political and when political stability is not there, no political talks can be safely held whatever the case may be. And the political instability in the Congress-led UPA increases while their allies are heaping all the blames of the present political crises on the weak leadership meaning the Prime Minister of the country.

Yet, one should keep in mind that the present UPA Government is a coalition one and the majority Congress alone cannot take any political decision as such on the Naga issue without the consent of their allies. Besides, the issue needs debating on the floor of the Parliament while seeking opinions of the respective Chief Ministers of the region. Because of this complicated process, a strong political will with a stable Government at the Center is the need of the hour.

On the other hand, present Nagaland Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio has been running the affairs of the State since 2003 after defeating the powerful Congress regime of Dr SC Jamir. It has been now almost 11 years that he has been at the helms of affairs of the State as the peace process between the Naga underground leaders and the Government of India completes 16 years. But he kept saying that they were not a party to talks and acting only as “facilitator” to the process. Rio also used to say that talks were going in the right direction but not being able to share any stages of the talks. Many also described Prime Minister Dr Singh as “sincere” to the Naga issue. Yet none of them had courage to say the “Timeframe” of the settlement to the issue. Everyone is still kept in the dark of the issue even after 16 years of the process. This vague style of development is also largely responsible to destroying the “confidence” of the masses.

I think this is ridiculous. Something is wrong somewhere. One should not run politics like this at the cost of finding a political solution. If you cannot push the process further, tell to the people that we cannot. It appears that no responsibilities are there with the leaders. Sometimes, they talked big things even to the extent of international politics. They seemed to have suffered from “I-know-everything syndrome.”

Now, in all probability nothing is going to happen to the Naga issue during Dr Singh’s tenure as Prime Minister of this great nation. We have to keep our fingers crossed till such time when new guards take over to run the country.

Kuki student from NEFIS elected unopposed to the post of General Secretary of MSAD

Manipuri Students Association Delhi (MSAD) elects its new President, General Secretary and Executive Committee Members Kuki student from NEFIS elected unopposed to the post of General Secretary of MSAD Two students from the North-East Forum for International Solidarity (NEFIS) … Continue reading →

Manipuri Students Association Delhi (MSAD) elects its new President, General Secretary and Executive Committee Members

Kuki student from NEFIS elected unopposed to the post of General Secretary of MSAD

Two students from the North-East Forum for International Solidarity (NEFIS) who have been actively raising issues of North-East youth in Delhi, were elected unopposed to the post of President and General Secretary of Manipuri Students Association Delhi (MSAD) for the year 2013–2014. Chinglen Khumukcham and Thanglunmang Khongsai from NEFIS were elected as MSAD President and General Secretary, respectively.

The election of these two members into the Executive Committee of MSAD is an extremely positive development and is part of the larger process through which NEFIS has been encouraging Manipuri students to raise their issues in connection with the issues and problems faced by other north-east students. It is with this spirit of bringing different north-east communities together on a common set of concerns that NEFIS spearheaded the two-month long agitation against the imposition of a compulsory Hindi language course under Delhi University’s FYUP course. Arguing that such a language imposition was a discrimination against north-east students who have little or no school education in the Hindi language, NEFIS sparked off a militant struggle for withdrawal of the compulsory Hindi language course as it would play havoc with the academic performance of north-east students. By precipitating the struggle, both at the level of Delhi University and at level of the HRD Ministry (Government of India), NEFIS succeeded in getting the adamant University to accept the genuineness of the north-east students’ concerns and to withdraw the paper. Apart from the issue of the compulsory Hindi language paper, NEFIS has also helped mobilize north-east students across the board on glaring problems like police inaction on complaints by north-east youth, police atrocities and also on highly sensitive issues like sexual harassment of north-east women in Delhi.

The concerted efforts of Chinglen Khumukcham and Thanglunmang Khongsai as members of NEFIS have been helping to gradually spread larger sense of solidarity amongst students of different communities/nationalities of North-East . An indication of such solidarity and growing radicalization of youth politics is reflected in the simple fact that for the first time a Kuki student has been elected to the post of MSAD General Secretary. It is hoped that the emerging solidarity amongst different communities of the north-east will prove longstanding, and will be nurtured in letter and spirit by the newly elected Executive Committee of MSAD. The newly elected President and General Secretary hope that MSAD politics is not only radicalized further, but that students of Manipur in large numbers become more active in the progressive and democratic movement existing in Delhi.

NEFIS pledges to extend full support and to work with the newly elected Executive Committee of MSAD in order to usher in an egalitarian, democratic and progressive functioning of society.

Yours Sincerely

Ginminlun Haokip

North-East Forum for International Solidarity (NEFIS)

Contact: 7838983871 Email: nefis.delhi@gmail.com

ALL NAGA STUDENTS’ ASSOCIATION, MANIPUR – Tripartite Talk – Fourth Round

The post ALL NAGA STUDENTS’ ASSOCIATION, MANIPUR – Tripartite Talk – Fourth Round appeared first on KanglaOnline.com.OFFICE OF THE ALL NAGA STUDENTS’ ASSOCIATION, MANIPUR Oking: Tahamzam (Senapati) – 795 106 Email: ansam1970@gmail.c…

The post ALL NAGA STUDENTS’ ASSOCIATION, MANIPUR – Tripartite Talk – Fourth Round appeared first on KanglaOnline.com.

OFFICE OF THE ALL NAGA STUDENTS’ ASSOCIATION, MANIPUR Oking: Tahamzam (Senapati) – 795 106 Email: ansam1970@gmail.com PRESS RELEASE The 30th August 2012 As the Tripartite Talk for an alternative arrangement enters the fourth round on 31st August 2012 in New … Continue reading →

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All Naga Students’ Association, Manipur opposes all forms of Violence

The post All Naga Students’ Association, Manipur opposes all forms of Violence appeared first on KanglaOnline.com.All Naga Students’ Association, Manipur Press statement The 27th/8/2012 The ANSAM opposes all forms of violence, bloodsheds a…

The post All Naga Students’ Association, Manipur opposes all forms of Violence appeared first on KanglaOnline.com.

All Naga Students’ Association, Manipur Press statement The 27th/8/2012 The ANSAM opposes all forms of violence, bloodsheds and killings to civilians, public leaders, student leaders etc. In this connection, killing of Late Mr. Chunthuigai Kamei, State Secretary of Zeliangrong … Continue reading →

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IM not happy with media expressions

The post IM not happy with media expressions appeared first on KanglaOnline.com.Nagaland , DIMAPUR, August 24 (NNN): In its attempt to answer to the seeming verbal attacks on the outfit through media on the question of the freedom of expression, the …

The post IM not happy with media expressions appeared first on KanglaOnline.com.

Nagaland , DIMAPUR, August 24 (NNN): In its attempt to answer to the seeming verbal attacks on the outfit through media on the question of the freedom of expression, the NSCN-IM asserted today that the outfit is no less than … Continue reading →

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IM not happy with media expressions

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Naga Lady Major’s highest peak conquer story would inspire youngsters to challenge bigger things in their lives

NEPS News Service Nagaland, Kohima, June 23: The panelists in this week’s DDK Live Discussion under its regular — “Trend of Nagaland” — have lauded the remarkable achievement of Maj… Read more »The post Naga Lady Major’s high…

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All Naga Students’ Association, Manipur on 48 HOURS TOTAL BANDH IN NAGA AREAS

PRESS STATEMENT OKING TAHAMZAM, 15TH JUNE, 2012 The All Naga Students’ Association, Manipur (ANSAM) fully endorses the call of the United Naga Council(UNC) for observation of 48 hours total bandh… Read more »

At 91, Politician Remembers the First Parliament – New York Times (blog)

New York Times (blog) At 91, Politician Remembers the First Parliament New York Times (blog)… more »

New York Times (blog)

At 91, Politician Remembers the First Parliament
New York Times (blog)
Mr. Keishing comes from the conflict-ridden northeastern state of Manipur and is a Christian and a Naga, one of the tribal groups in the area. His long political carrier encompasses six decades of Manipur state and national politics including two …

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Why Meitei Ethnonationalism?

By: Dr Irengbam Mohendra Singh I am very moved with this email from EMMI SERTO,… more »

By: Dr Irengbam Mohendra Singh

I am very moved with this email from EMMI SERTO, especially by the noble task he is undertaking. There are very few people like him in Manipur. “He writes: Sir, proud to have a son of the soil giving away his best resources to one of the most world’s riches and developed country… For the white people, you are a blessing.”

“While appreciating your noble contribution to the people of theUK, I would also like to make a special mention on your valuable “Diaspora column” in the Sangai Express. I am always the first of the first person of the family to grab the paper on Sundays and Saturdays just for a reason to be the first to go through your column… most of the articles give weight on Social change…”

“Well! I am helping a few orphans in my own set up orphanage for social change, in a remote village called Sangang, C’cpur Dist. I have sweet 17 orphans from 9 different communities of Manipur. I do enjoy working the whole day in the paddy fields for their tomorrow… I am spreading the message of |Love, Humanity and Tolerance through this humble service to the deprived children… We can uphold each other in our prayers. Thank you once again for being a kind-hearted to your motherland. My salute to you.”

Meitei ethnonationalism is necessary for a negotiating agreement in the God basement-bargain with Manipuri Naga, without giving in. They feel that it is the best way to deal with the Naga people’s problem to prevent them from rising. They think that it would help both peoples to have a good relationship and think of each other as partners in negotiation rather than adversaries.

Before 1949 there was a Manipuri nation or the Manipur state. The Meitei always had a concept of a ‘Manipuri nation’ – Manipursanaleibak, encompassing groups of ethnic people who have different cultural, traditional, ritualistic and religious traits, all living together.

A nation describes a geographical place that is defined by its borders and/or by a variety of cultures and a shared language. With the ascendancy of a new concept, Manipur is now a “proposition nation” ie groups of ethnic people who are united by a common ideology rather than a common ancestry.

Ethnic people mean the status of belonging to a particular group having a common cultural tradition. There are such 36 ethnic groups in Manipur.

The English word ‘nation’ in the Manipuri nation, is related to birth, not merely geographic or political boundaries. You are ‘native’ of the land of your birth. Manipur has a geographical boundary and any ethnic group born in Manipur is a native of Manipur. The Manipur Naga are Manipuris. Nationality is a legal concept while ethnicity is a cultural concept.

This thesis examines the Meitei ethnonationalism in Manipur and the influences that sustain it. It is a brief historical reconstruction touching on historiography – theorising parts of history and relying on idealistic epistemology.

Meitei ethnonationalism is fairly new. I am trying to write a bit of its history without an inventive approach to the truth. Old histories might change over time. At the physical level, truth is absolute. But the account of human affairs that we call History, and that we make the subject of college courses, has little to do with truth. It is information that our rulers want us to have.

For example: Irom Sharmila’s fast to death for the past 11 years will not be Indian history, but the recent 12-day fast of Anna Hazare in August 2011will be.

Most people are aware of the continuing tension in Manipur, tensions centrally animated by the

strained relationship between the Majority Meitei and second majority Tangkhul Naga.

Ethnonationalism is where the ‘nation’ is defined in terms of ethnicity, incorporating ideas of culture and shared language. It denotes both the loyalty to a nation deprived of its own state and the loyalty to an ethnic group, embodied in a specific state, particularly when the latter is conceived a “nation-state” like Manipur. It may thus be used interchangeably with nationalism.

A “nation-state” is defined as a sovereign state of which most of the citizens or subjects are united by factors which define a nation, such as a common language or common descent. The nation-state implies that a state and a nation coincide. Manipur was a nation-state united by a common language

The central tenet of ethnic nationalism theoretically is that each ethnic group like the Meitei, Tangkhul or Kuki is entitled to self determination for an autonomous entity or for an independent sovereign state.

Broadly speaking, nationalism is a term that refers to a doctrine that holds a nation, usually defined in terms of culture and language though consisting of a number of ethnic groups. Ethno-

nationality is thus a breakdown of nationality.

The word ‘nationalism’, strictly speaking, refers to either separatist or autonomist movements developing outside or against, the existing state. Theoretically, this is true for the Meitei, Tangkhul or Kuki.

Walker Connor (1994) defines the ‘nation’ as a self-differentiating ethnic group. Thus, we have the ethnic Naga nation, ethnic Meitei nation and the ethnic Kuki nation.

In reality, ethnos and nation are equivalents: the former derived from ancient Greek, the later from Latin. It then follows that the term ‘ethnonationalism’ is largely tautological, since ethnicity permeates nationalism any way. It is the same thing. But in Manipur it is not.

The Meitei ethnonationalism was born by a break-up of the ethnic components of Manipur, creating a lot of tension by the ethnic activists who try to have a historical construction of their activities.

The educated post-War Meitei began in earnest, to secularise and adopted the principle of multiculturalism based on a notion of ‘social reform’ in which programmes were introduced to redress the disadvantages of minority communities. This included the present titular king Laishemba, who reintroduced the Merahouchongba festival. He is a likeable and serious young man.

There are many major players in the ethnic movements who continue to act out their familiar roles in a secessionist policy. While efforts are made to bring back the Tangkhul and Kabui Nagas back to the Manipuri nationhood but so far failed, notably in their refusal to set up ADCs, which is aimed to somehow reconcile a ‘distinct society’ status with provision that all the districts are to be treated equally.

The Manipuri Naga’s demand for separation of Naga inhabited (not absolutely) areas of Manipur to integrate with the nationalist movements of the Naga of Nagaland is a redundant ethnonationalism. It is a confusion of state and nation, and they imagine that nationalistic identification can refer state loyalties.

Ethnicity normally refers to a belief in putative descent: that is, a belief in something which may or may not be real. It is a perception of commonality and belonging supported by a myth of common ancestry. Therefore it does not necessarily suggest tangible elements of culture.

Connor (1993) has stressed the subjective and psychological quality of this perception, rather than its objective ‘sustenance’.

More generally, identity does not draw its sustenance from facts but from perceptions. Perceptions are as important or more than reality when it comes to ethnic issues (Connor 1997).

By perception I mean, the feeling, the consciousness that “I am a Manipuri”. The Naga need a longer term understanding to avoid misunderstanding.

The break-up of Manipur is not negotiable to the Meitei who have an embryonic concept of Ima (mother) Manipur embracing the hills and the plain. To them it is not like a marriage bond, where there is a legal frame work with which a spouse can divorce the other whenever he or she feels like it.

The Manipuri Naga ethnic challenges have shattered genuine Meitei pluralism and increased the tension between the need for cultural-ethnic distinctiveness and integrative tendencies. The Meitei began to think in terms of Meitei nation or ethnonation. It was a crucial time when the territorial integrity of Manipur was seriously threatened as never before, with internal ethnic politics and the territorial ambition of Nagaland.

Meitei needed to re-establish their cultural history and began looking at their history backwards.

They were aware that behind their bravado lurks one of the great political challenges of the next two decades in this extra-ordinary diversity of ethnic identities and political views in Manipur.

Manipur is inhabited by the Meitei and other 36 tribes plus a sizeable community of Pangals. The question of what it means to be a Manipuri and how far there are overriding values to which all can and must subscribe has moved on since the Naga ethnonationalism.

The Meitei liberal policy has been unable to persuade some tribal groups into a Manipuri national identity. They have demanded plural political identities, tolerance and openness from all the ethnic peoples. That has included intermarriage.

The struggle for the ethnic Naga to disintegrate Manipur began to crystallise the Meitei resolve to keep Manipur intact. Various civil organisations such as AMUCO, UCM have sprung up to shore up a united Meitei, non-Naga tribals and Pangal opposition.

Manipur is as much for the Meitei as is for all the tribes and Pangals living in it from times immemorial. The Meitei thus felt that they had to reinvent themselves with a search for their

indigenous origin in Manipur, first in the hills and then in the plain. This was how Meitei ethnonationalism was born.

The high-octane pursuit of Meitei ethnonationalism and a keen interest to safeguard the integrity of Manipur were reflected by the greatest sacrifice given by 18 Meitei on the June 18 2001 uprising.

Meitei remain vigilant against Naga nationalism and Manipuri Naga ethnonationalism especially because (1) their demand has nothing to do with economic disparity but ethnicity; and lately (2)

the NPF’s Constitution, Article II (21) reads: “To work for integration of all contiguous Naga

inhabited areas under one administrative roof…”

Daniel Converse challenged the dogma of economism as the cause of ethnonationalism.

Ethnonationalism appears to operate independently from economic variables and that

perceived economic discrimination is just a choice of battle ground. The economic issues at the centre of the analysis means to miss the primary point, namely that ethnic movements are indeed ethnic and not economic.

India has a large socio-cultural diversity. So has Manipur. Among this diversity the Meitei need a strong ethnonationalism, which will be bound together by equally strong bonds of common objectives and affection with other fellow Manipuris.

The writer is based in the UK

Email: imsingh@onetel.com

Website: www.onetel.co.uk

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/11/why-meitei-ethnonationalism/

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